Bangladesh politics News API

Supported Countries - 165

Afghanistan

Albania

Algeria

Angola

Argentina

Australia

Austria

Azerbaijan

Bahamas

Bahrain

Bangladesh

Barbados

Belarus

Belgium

Belize

Bermuda

Bhutan

Bolivia

Bosnia And Herzegovina

Botswana

Brazil

Brunei

Bulgaria

Cambodia

Cameroon

Canada

Cape Verde

Cayman Islands

Central African Republic

Chile

China

Colombia

Comoros

Congo

Costa Rica

Croatia

Cuba

Cyprus

Czech Republic

DR Congo

Denmark

Djibouti

Dominica

Dominican Republic

Ecuador

Egypt

El Salvador

Estonia

Ethiopia

Fiji

Finland

France

French Polynesia

Gabon

Georgia

Germany

Ghana

Greece

Guatemala

Guinea

Haiti

Honduras

Hong Kong

Hungary

Iceland

India

Indonesia

Iran

Iraq

Ireland

Israel

Italy

Ivory Coast

Jamaica

Japan

Jordan

Kazakhstan

Kenya

Kuwait

Kyrgyzstan

Laos

Latvia

Lebanon

Libya

Lithuania

Luxembourg

Macedonia

Madagascar

Malawi

Malaysia

Maldives

Mali

Malta

Marshall Islands

Mauritania

Mauritius

Mexico

Moldova

Monaco

Mongolia

Montenegro

Morocco

Mozambique

Myanmar

Namibia

Nepal

Netherland

New Zealand

Niger

Nigeria

North Korea

Norway

Oman

Pakistan

Palestine

Panama

Papua New Guinea

Paraguay

Peru

Philippines

Poland

Portugal

Puerto Rico

Qatar

Romania

Russia

Rwanda

Samoa

Saudi Arabia

Senegal

Serbia

Singapore

Slovakia

Slovenia

Solomon Islands

Somalia

South Africa

South Korea

Spain

Sri Lanka

Sudan

Sweden

Switzerland

Syria

Taiwan

Tajikistan

Tanzania

Thailand

Tonga

Tunisia

Turkey

Turkmenistan

Uganda

Ukraine

United Arab Emirates

United Kingdom

United States Of America

Uruguay

Uzbekistan

Vanuatu

Venezuela

Vietnam

Yemen

Zambia

Zimbabwe

Get politics headlines from Bangladesh with our JSON API.

🔑 Get API key for the Bangladesh politics News API

Country Parameter

The country paramter for the Bangladesh is BD.

Some example queries:

Below is the search query to fetch random 100 news-sources of Bangladesh.

https://newsdata.io/api/1/sources?country=bd&apikey=YOUR_API_KEY

Some of the well known sources

Live Example

This example demonstrates the HTTP request to make, and the JSON response you will receive, when you use the News API to get politics headlines from Bangladesh.

Politics Headlines from Bangladesh

https://newsdata.io/api/1/latest?country=bd&category=politics&apikey=YOUR_API_KEY

{
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      {
      • "article_id": "1a59c8bb095a8b3843262f160848712e",
      • "title": "The health sector needs a complete overhaul",
      • "link": "https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/editorial/news/the-health-sector-needs-complete-overhaul-3888226",
      • "keywords": null,
      • "creator": null,
      • "description": "Proposals by the reform commission deserve serious consideration",
      • "content": "Our health sector has long been plagued by corruption, inefficiency, and a lack of accountability and good governance. Over the past decades, while healthcare costs have significantly increased, the quality of services has not improved as expected. The lack of adequate healthcare facilities across the country has been a persistent problem, while the absence of healthcare professionals at upazila and union-level facilities has deprived rural and marginalised populations of even basic services. Against this backdrop, the Health Sector Reform Commission's proposals give us hope for building a system that will be efficient, people-oriented, and accessible to all. Unfortunately, public health has never been a top priority for successive governments. While sectors such as public administration, energy, transport and communication, local government and rural development, and defence, among others, have received significant budgetary allocations, the health sector has been comparatively neglected. Therefore, the commission's suggestion that our total public health expenditure should rise to around 15 percent of the total budget, or at least 5 percent of GDP, is appreciable. Reportedly, countries making significant progress in achieving universal health coverage globally spend 5 percent or more of their GDP on healthcare. Greater investment is thus crucial, as it will expand healthcare services, reduce out-of-pocket expenses, and ensure financial protection for ordinary citizens. The commission also recommends that the authorities make primary healthcare a constitutional obligation, providing it free of cost to all. It also recommends strengthening the primary healthcare system by integrating union-level health and family planning centres into fully functional primary healthcare centres. In urban areas, such centres should be managed at the ward level. We believe these reforms are crucial to ensure universal access to primary healthcare. Forming an independent Bangladesh Health Commission to ensure a transparent and effective health system is another important recommendation. Additionally, creating an autonomous Bangladesh Health Service by restructuring the current health cadre to enhance professionalism, skills, and accountability, and establishing a dedicated Public Service Commission for healthcare recruitment are steps whose time has come. Other major proposals include forming a National Institute of Women's Health, establishing 11 regional health authorities at the divisional level to decentralise healthcare management, integrating multiple government agencies under the Directorate General of Health Services (DGHS), and setting up a pharmacy network to distribute essential medicines either free or at subsidised rates. Additionally, prohibiting pharmaceutical companies from influencing doctors through gifts or free samples, and encouraging doctors to prescribe medicines using their generic names, seem like well-thought-out suggestions. That said, while the recommendations made by the commission are crucial, implementing them will undoubtedly be challenging, especially under an elected political government. We hope the interim government will help overcome these challenges with the support of political parties and work sincerely to achieve the goals set by the commission. Our health sector has long been plagued by corruption, inefficiency, and a lack of accountability and good governance. Over the past decades, while healthcare costs have significantly increased, the quality of services has not improved as expected. The lack of adequate healthcare facilities across the country has been a persistent problem, while the absence of healthcare professionals at upazila and union-level facilities has deprived rural and marginalised populations of even basic services. Against this backdrop, the Health Sector Reform Commission's proposals give us hope for building a system that will be efficient, people-oriented, and accessible to all. Unfortunately, public health has never been a top priority for successive governments. While sectors such as public administration, energy, transport and communication, local government and rural development, and defence, among others, have received significant budgetary allocations, the health sector has been comparatively neglected. Therefore, the commission's suggestion that our total public health expenditure should rise to around 15 percent of the total budget, or at least 5 percent of GDP, is appreciable. Reportedly, countries making significant progress in achieving universal health coverage globally spend 5 percent or more of their GDP on healthcare. Greater investment is thus crucial, as it will expand healthcare services, reduce out-of-pocket expenses, and ensure financial protection for ordinary citizens. The commission also recommends that the authorities make primary healthcare a constitutional obligation, providing it free of cost to all. It also recommends strengthening the primary healthcare system by integrating union-level health and family planning centres into fully functional primary healthcare centres. In urban areas, such centres should be managed at the ward level. We believe these reforms are crucial to ensure universal access to primary healthcare. Forming an independent Bangladesh Health Commission to ensure a transparent and effective health system is another important recommendation. Additionally, creating an autonomous Bangladesh Health Service by restructuring the current health cadre to enhance professionalism, skills, and accountability, and establishing a dedicated Public Service Commission for healthcare recruitment are steps whose time has come. Other major proposals include forming a National Institute of Women's Health, establishing 11 regional health authorities at the divisional level to decentralise healthcare management, integrating multiple government agencies under the Directorate General of Health Services (DGHS), and setting up a pharmacy network to distribute essential medicines either free or at subsidised rates. Additionally, prohibiting pharmaceutical companies from influencing doctors through gifts or free samples, and encouraging doctors to prescribe medicines using their generic names, seem like well-thought-out suggestions. That said, while the recommendations made by the commission are crucial, implementing them will undoubtedly be challenging, especially under an elected political government. We hope the interim government will help overcome these challenges with the support of political parties and work sincerely to achieve the goals set by the commission.",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-06 14:00:02",
      • "pubDateTZ": "UTC",
      • "image_url": "https://tds-images.thedailystar.net/sites/default/files/styles/big_202/public/images/2025/05/06/recommendations_by_health_reform_commission_1.png",
      • "video_url": null,
      • "source_id": "thedailystar",
      • "source_name": "The Daily Star",
      • "source_priority": 32093,
      • "source_url": "https://www.thedailystar.com",
      • "source_icon": "https://i.bytvi.com/domain_icons/thedailystar.png",
      • "language": "english",
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        "country": [
        • "bangladesh"
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        "category": [
        • "politics"
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      • "sentiment": "negative",
      • -
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        "ai_tag": [
        • "pharma and healthcare"
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      {
      • "article_id": "b1b25e5b81246e141fa1fda36f1e198f",
      • "title": "Dhaka University: Faculty hiring in its early years",
      • "link": "https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/views/news/dhaka-university-faculty-hiring-its-early-years-3888106",
      • "keywords": null,
      • "creator": null,
      • "description": "The faculty hiring process at Dhaka University has received intense scrutiny and has been criticised for its lack of focus on merit.",
      • "content": "Recently, the faculty hiring process at Dhaka University has received intense scrutiny and has been criticised for its lack of focus on merit and for failing to seek the most qualified candidates for any department. It is indeed true that our most important national academic treasure, Dhaka University—where the best and brightest receive their education—will not be able to maintain its status in this competitive world unless proper attention is paid to hiring the best and most qualified faculty to educate the future generation. The institution only needs to look back into its own history to see how it once focused on merit-based hiring at its inception, which catapulted its reputation both in the Indian subcontinent and beyond. A glimpse of history is presented here, where emphasis was strictly on merit-based hiring, international in scope and offering the best possible compensation to attract true scholars to Dhaka. PJ Hartog, who was the first vice-chancellor of the university in 1920, left no stone unturned in personally seeking out the best and brightest for the university, which opened its gates in July 1921. PJ Hartog (1864-1947) was the most influential figure in the leadership of Dhaka University in its foundational years. He had 17 years of experience as the registrar of the University of London between 1903 and 1920 before coming to Dhaka to lead Dhaka University during both its inception and early years. Dhaka University began its journey with a clear goal of appointing the most capable faculty. The British Board of Education (BOE) provided essential assistance in faculty selection. A selection committee was formed in 1920 with key members in the areas of English literature, history, political economy, phonetics, mathematics, chemistry, and physics. The members of the selection committee were exceptional academics. For example, for English literature, there were three members on the committee. Two of them were Professor William P Ker, who was the Oxford professor of poetry, and Sir Sidney Lee, a professor of English classics at the University of London. On the search committee for physics, Sir Arthur Schuster was a member. He was a fellow of the Royal Society (FRS) and a professor at the University of Manchester. One of the other members out of the three was Sir William Bragg, also an FRS. Professor Bragg won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1915 and was a professor of physics at University College London. In the search for a head of the department of physics, the committee was having difficulty finding a suitable candidate. The physics search committee asked Vice-Chancellor Hartog to write to Professor Ernest Rutherford, another Nobel laureate, who was then the director of the Cavendish Laboratory in Cambridge. Hartog contacted Rutherford, who recommended a physicist, Dr JL Glasson. Hartog then asked Bragg to compare him with Professor Jenkins of Dhaka College. Ultimately, the position went to Jenkins. The quality of the selection committees ensured that highly qualified faculty would be part of the new university. This serves as an example of Hartog's attention to detail, and it is remarkable that Dhaka University was consulting Nobel laureates for the selection of its science faculty as early as 1920. The search for excellent faculty was one of the highest priority agendas of the vice-chancellor, Sir Philip Hartog. In a private letter to Lord Ronaldshay on June 30, 1920, the governor of Bengal, he outlines the initial hiring of eight professors and five readers in various subjects. This was about one year prior to the opening of the university. His commitment to excellence is evidenced in this letter, in which he sought a high-calibre scholar for the head of the department of Islamic Studies. He writes: \"A point of great importance is the question of the Headship of the Islamic Department. Zia-uddin was very keen that the Head should be an Englishman, and the rest of the Commission deferred to his judgment on that point. But I have made private enquiries and there seems to be no Arabic scholar in England of sufficient standing who would be likely to accept such a post. On the other hand, Arnold, of the India Office, himself one of the most distinguished Arabic scholars, tells me that Dr Siddiqui, who worked at Cambridge under Browne, and also under the most distinguished German scholars for seven or eight years, is a scholar of the first rank, and in his judgment by far the best available person. Dr Siddiqui is now at Aligarh.\" Hartog had set the stage from the university's inception that merit would be the basis for the selection of faculty and administration. This vision of leadership was instrumental in defining Dhaka University as one of the outstanding institutions in all of India. International fame for Dhaka University came with physicist Satyendranath Bose's communication with Einstein in Berlin and Einstein's interest in the paper sent by Bose. Bose was hired by PJ Hartog. He joined Dhaka University as a reader in physics in 1921. He became head of the department and later dean of science. Einstein translated his paper on \"Light Quantum\" into German for publication. Aware that his derivation was the logical outcome of Einstein's own line of thought, in June 1924 Bose sent his paper to Einstein, who, recognising its merit, immediately translated it himself. Their collaboration led to Bose-Einstein statistics, and his contribution later led to the naming of an elementary particle—the \"boson\"—in his honour. The experimental proof of the Bose-Einstein condensate led to a Nobel Prize being awarded to three American physicists in 2001. Professor Bose was sent to Europe with funding from Dhaka University in 1926 and spent time with Louis de Broglie, Marie Curie, and Einstein. He visited well-known physics laboratories and attended technical meetings. He provided many years of dedicated service as a teacher, mentor, and academic leader. His life's best scientific work was conducted at Dhaka University. It is recognised that Dhaka University is much larger now and that even if Hartog were here today, he would not have time to personally seek the best candidates for faculty positions. However, it is a lesson for all of us that focusing on proven scholarship should be the main criterion in hiring the most qualified faculty, and that a merit-based hiring system must be fiercely implemented to continue the institution's early traditions. In this new century, we expect nothing less from Dhaka University. Anique Newaz has an MPhil degree in South Asian Studies from the Cambridge University, UK. Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission . Recently, the faculty hiring process at Dhaka University has received intense scrutiny and has been criticised for its lack of focus on merit and for failing to seek the most qualified candidates for any department. It is indeed true that our most important national academic treasure, Dhaka University—where the best and brightest receive their education—will not be able to maintain its status in this competitive world unless proper attention is paid to hiring the best and most qualified faculty to educate the future generation. The institution only needs to look back into its own history to see how it once focused on merit-based hiring at its inception, which catapulted its reputation both in the Indian subcontinent and beyond. A glimpse of history is presented here, where emphasis was strictly on merit-based hiring, international in scope and offering the best possible compensation to attract true scholars to Dhaka. PJ Hartog, who was the first vice-chancellor of the university in 1920, left no stone unturned in personally seeking out the best and brightest for the university, which opened its gates in July 1921. PJ Hartog (1864-1947) was the most influential figure in the leadership of Dhaka University in its foundational years. He had 17 years of experience as the registrar of the University of London between 1903 and 1920 before coming to Dhaka to lead Dhaka University during both its inception and early years. Dhaka University began its journey with a clear goal of appointing the most capable faculty. The British Board of Education (BOE) provided essential assistance in faculty selection. A selection committee was formed in 1920 with key members in the areas of English literature, history, political economy, phonetics, mathematics, chemistry, and physics. The members of the selection committee were exceptional academics. For example, for English literature, there were three members on the committee. Two of them were Professor William P Ker, who was the Oxford professor of poetry, and Sir Sidney Lee, a professor of English classics at the University of London. On the search committee for physics, Sir Arthur Schuster was a member. He was a fellow of the Royal Society (FRS) and a professor at the University of Manchester. One of the other members out of the three was Sir William Bragg, also an FRS. Professor Bragg won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1915 and was a professor of physics at University College London. In the search for a head of the department of physics, the committee was having difficulty finding a suitable candidate. The physics search committee asked Vice-Chancellor Hartog to write to Professor Ernest Rutherford, another Nobel laureate, who was then the director of the Cavendish Laboratory in Cambridge. Hartog contacted Rutherford, who recommended a physicist, Dr JL Glasson. Hartog then asked Bragg to compare him with Professor Jenkins of Dhaka College. Ultimately, the position went to Jenkins. The quality of the selection committees ensured that highly qualified faculty would be part of the new university. This serves as an example of Hartog's attention to detail, and it is remarkable that Dhaka University was consulting Nobel laureates for the selection of its science faculty as early as 1920. The search for excellent faculty was one of the highest priority agendas of the vice-chancellor, Sir Philip Hartog. In a private letter to Lord Ronaldshay on June 30, 1920, the governor of Bengal, he outlines the initial hiring of eight professors and five readers in various subjects. This was about one year prior to the opening of the university. His commitment to excellence is evidenced in this letter, in which he sought a high-calibre scholar for the head of the department of Islamic Studies. He writes: \"A point of great importance is the question of the Headship of the Islamic Department. Zia-uddin was very keen that the Head should be an Englishman, and the rest of the Commission deferred to his judgment on that point. But I have made private enquiries and there seems to be no Arabic scholar in England of sufficient standing who would be likely to accept such a post. On the other hand, Arnold, of the India Office, himself one of the most distinguished Arabic scholars, tells me that Dr Siddiqui, who worked at Cambridge under Browne, and also under the most distinguished German scholars for seven or eight years, is a scholar of the first rank, and in his judgment by far the best available person. Dr Siddiqui is now at Aligarh.\" Hartog had set the stage from the university's inception that merit would be the basis for the selection of faculty and administration. This vision of leadership was instrumental in defining Dhaka University as one of the outstanding institutions in all of India. International fame for Dhaka University came with physicist Satyendranath Bose's communication with Einstein in Berlin and Einstein's interest in the paper sent by Bose. Bose was hired by PJ Hartog. He joined Dhaka University as a reader in physics in 1921. He became head of the department and later dean of science. Einstein translated his paper on \"Light Quantum\" into German for publication. Aware that his derivation was the logical outcome of Einstein's own line of thought, in June 1924 Bose sent his paper to Einstein, who, recognising its merit, immediately translated it himself. Their collaboration led to Bose-Einstein statistics, and his contribution later led to the naming of an elementary particle—the \"boson\"—in his honour. The experimental proof of the Bose-Einstein condensate led to a Nobel Prize being awarded to three American physicists in 2001. Professor Bose was sent to Europe with funding from Dhaka University in 1926 and spent time with Louis de Broglie, Marie Curie, and Einstein. He visited well-known physics laboratories and attended technical meetings. He provided many years of dedicated service as a teacher, mentor, and academic leader. His life's best scientific work was conducted at Dhaka University. It is recognised that Dhaka University is much larger now and that even if Hartog were here today, he would not have time to personally seek the best candidates for faculty positions. However, it is a lesson for all of us that focusing on proven scholarship should be the main criterion in hiring the most qualified faculty, and that a merit-based hiring system must be fiercely implemented to continue the institution's early traditions. In this new century, we expect nothing less from Dhaka University. Anique Newaz has an MPhil degree in South Asian Studies from the Cambridge University, UK. Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission .",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-06 10:00:33",
      • "pubDateTZ": "UTC",
      • "image_url": "https://tds-images.thedailystar.net/sites/default/files/styles/big_202/public/images/2025/05/06/bimstec_3.jpg",
      • "video_url": null,
      • "source_id": "thedailystar",
      • "source_name": "The Daily Star",
      • "source_priority": 32093,
      • "source_url": "https://www.thedailystar.com",
      • "source_icon": "https://i.bytvi.com/domain_icons/thedailystar.png",
      • "language": "english",
      • -
        "country": [
        • "bangladesh"
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        "category": [
        • "politics"
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      • "sentiment": "negative",
      • -
        "sentiment_stats": {},
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        "ai_tag": [
        • "education"
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        "ai_org": [
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      {
      • "article_id": "9adf64ebcfabcec226f3f4945154cd14",
      • "title": "Keep a close eye on banks’ health",
      • "link": "https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/editorial/news/keep-close-eye-banks-health-3888001",
      • "keywords": null,
      • "creator": null,
      • "description": "Rising capital shortfall not a good sign",
      • "content": "The struggles in the banking sector, stemming from a weakened capital base after years of unchecked irregularities during the Awami League's tenure, continue to attract attention. According to data from Bangladesh Bank, the capital-to-risk weighted asset ratio (CRAR)—which measures a bank's capital relative to its risk-weighted assets—fell to just 3.08 percent across the sector at the end of 2024. This is significantly below the 10 percent minimum required under the Basel III framework, down from 6.86 percent recorded three months earlier and 10.64 percent recorded in June 2023. While some banks continue to maintain healthy capital buffers, there is a stark divide within the industry with a number of banks facing alarming shortfalls. For example, at the end of December, state-run banks recorded a CRAR of negative 8.42 percent, Islamic banks stood at negative 4.95 percent, and specialised banks at negative 41.02 percent. In contrast, private commercial banks posted a CRAR of 10.98 percent, while foreign banks reported a robust 42.09 percent. According to industry insiders, these capital shortfalls could jeopardise the stability of the entire financial sector. Moreover, investors and depositors are likely to lose confidence in the affected banks. As a result, the credit ratings of these institutions could be downgraded, making it more difficult and costly for them to raise funds and improve their financial positions. It is also worth noting that several banks failed to finalise their annual financial statements by the April 30 deadline. Bangladesh Bank has applied to the finance ministry for a one-month extension on behalf of these banks. In the past, banks were granted various regulatory forbearances, including deferrals on provisioning requirements during the finalisation of annual statements. However, this time the banking regulator has not provided any such relief. Furthermore, in March this year, the central bank tightened the dividend policy for banks, barring those that availed of deferral facilities to meet provisioning requirements from paying dividends from 2024 onwards. The ongoing instability in the sector is a direct legacy of the Awami League government's negligence and the corruption it allowed within the sector. This includes permitting banks to defer provisioning requirements, implementing a lax dividend policy, and other regulatory shortcomings. Therefore, although delayed, it is encouraging to see that the central bank has taken measures that, though painful, were long overdue. In the past, we have seen how weak and problematic banks have used such regulatory forbearance to hide capital shortfalls. Rather than continuing to provide the same facility that failed to improve the banks' health and worsened banking discipline, the central bank would be better off exploring other measures to improve overall stability in the sector. The struggles in the banking sector, stemming from a weakened capital base after years of unchecked irregularities during the Awami League's tenure, continue to attract attention. According to data from Bangladesh Bank, the capital-to-risk weighted asset ratio (CRAR)—which measures a bank's capital relative to its risk-weighted assets—fell to just 3.08 percent across the sector at the end of 2024. This is significantly below the 10 percent minimum required under the Basel III framework, down from 6.86 percent recorded three months earlier and 10.64 percent recorded in June 2023. While some banks continue to maintain healthy capital buffers, there is a stark divide within the industry with a number of banks facing alarming shortfalls. For example, at the end of December, state-run banks recorded a CRAR of negative 8.42 percent, Islamic banks stood at negative 4.95 percent, and specialised banks at negative 41.02 percent. In contrast, private commercial banks posted a CRAR of 10.98 percent, while foreign banks reported a robust 42.09 percent. According to industry insiders, these capital shortfalls could jeopardise the stability of the entire financial sector. Moreover, investors and depositors are likely to lose confidence in the affected banks. As a result, the credit ratings of these institutions could be downgraded, making it more difficult and costly for them to raise funds and improve their financial positions. It is also worth noting that several banks failed to finalise their annual financial statements by the April 30 deadline. Bangladesh Bank has applied to the finance ministry for a one-month extension on behalf of these banks. In the past, banks were granted various regulatory forbearances, including deferrals on provisioning requirements during the finalisation of annual statements. However, this time the banking regulator has not provided any such relief. Furthermore, in March this year, the central bank tightened the dividend policy for banks, barring those that availed of deferral facilities to meet provisioning requirements from paying dividends from 2024 onwards. The ongoing instability in the sector is a direct legacy of the Awami League government's negligence and the corruption it allowed within the sector. This includes permitting banks to defer provisioning requirements, implementing a lax dividend policy, and other regulatory shortcomings. Therefore, although delayed, it is encouraging to see that the central bank has taken measures that, though painful, were long overdue. In the past, we have seen how weak and problematic banks have used such regulatory forbearance to hide capital shortfalls. Rather than continuing to provide the same facility that failed to improve the banks' health and worsened banking discipline, the central bank would be better off exploring other measures to improve overall stability in the sector.",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-06 07:00:33",
      • "pubDateTZ": "UTC",
      • "image_url": "https://tds-images.thedailystar.net/sites/default/files/styles/big_202/public/images/2025/05/06/some_banks_being_hit_by_capital_squeeze.png",
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      • "source_id": "thedailystar",
      • "source_name": "The Daily Star",
      • "source_priority": 32093,
      • "source_url": "https://www.thedailystar.com",
      • "source_icon": "https://i.bytvi.com/domain_icons/thedailystar.png",
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        • "bangladesh"
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        "category": [
        • "politics"
        ],
      • "sentiment": "negative",
      • -
        "sentiment_stats": {},
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        "ai_tag": [
        • "banking and finance"
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    • -
      {
      • "article_id": "4b223bbb7838e68856fa0b3c5c01e2bf",
      • "title": "What Khaleda Zia’s return means for the BNP",
      • "link": "https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/views/news/what-khaleda-zias-return-means-the-bnp-3887981",
      • "keywords": null,
      • "creator": null,
      • "description": "Khaleda Zia's return is not merely a personal event.",
      • "content": "After four months of advanced medical treatment in London, former Prime Minister and BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia, one of Bangladesh's most resilient political figures, has returned to Dhaka. Her return is not merely a personal event. It arrives at a turning point in Bangladesh's political evolution, following the 2024 mass uprising and amid the uncertainties of a transitional government. More significant than her return is the fact that she is recovering. For a woman long portrayed by her rivals as terminally ill and politically irrelevant, her gradual physical revival offers not just hope to her supporters but a quiet rebuttal to the cynicism and cruelty that previously surrounded her treatment. Years of resistance to her medical care abroad, and the mocking public rhetoric that accompanied it, shook the conscience of many. In the aftermath of the student-led uprising that forced Sheikh Hasina to flee and cleared the way for an interim government led by Prof Muhammad Yunus, Khaleda Zia's reappearance carries symbolic weight. Once placed under house arrest, she now walks into a different political moment—one marked by uncertainty, recalibration, and a chance to redefine democratic participation. Yet, despite all she endured, she has shown no bitterness. She did not attack her political rivals by name. Instead, she called for patience, dialogue, and national unity. This new role—more reflective than combative—mirrors her evolution from a political warrior to a figure of broader moral authority. While she may not return to the frontline of active politics due to her health, her presence continues to shape the BNP's path forward. Indeed, the question now looming over the party is that of leadership transition. It is safe to assume that Khaleda Zia and the party's acting chairman, Tarique Rahman, have had substantive discussions about the BNP's future. While Tarique has led the party since 2018, the return of Zubaida Rahman (Tarique's wife) after 18 years in exile introduces a new layer of interest and possibility. Though Zubaida has never been politically active, her presence is bound to draw attention from party members and observers alike. What shape the BNP will take in the coming days, and how its leadership will evolve, may soon become clearer. The broader political climate remains fragile. The interim government has yet to offer clarity on electoral reforms or a transition timeline, all of which continue to fuel public unease and scepticism. Questions abound about whether the current administration can genuinely facilitate a free and fair electoral process, or whether it risks drifting into another prolonged unelected arrangement. At the same time, the BNP faces its own internal challenges. While the party remains a principal political force, years of suppression, organisational stagnation, and leadership in exile have left it fragmented at the grassroots. In recent months, troubling reports have surfaced of some local leaders and activists engaging in extortion, intimidation, and factional clashes. Intra-party feuds—often driven by rivalry for influence, financial control, or access to leadership—have damaged the BNP's credibility in several districts. Without strong internal discipline and renewed commitment to reform, the party risks squandering the public goodwill that Khaleda Zia's return and symbolic stature have helped rekindle. And yet, through all of this, Khaleda Zia stands as a reminder of resilience in the face of repression. Her political journey, beginning reluctantly after the assassination of her husband, President Ziaur Rahman, has spanned coups, jail terms, boycotts, and ballot box triumphs. She led mass movements against dictatorship, served as prime minister three times, and holds the rare distinction of winning every seat she ever contested. Through personal losses and political isolation, she never chose exile—even when offered. Her strength has not just been organisational but moral. Still, reverence must not replace reason. For the BNP to remain relevant in the coming years, it must go beyond symbolism. It must modernise, listen to the youth, embrace reform, and articulate a vision that speaks to today's Bangladesh—one that includes jobs, justice, rights, and reconciliation. Khaleda Zia's return opens that window, not as a reset to the past but as a passage towards a more balanced and inclusive political future. She remains one of the few figures respected across partisan lines—viewed by some as a symbol of sacrifice, by others as a survivor of injustice, and by many as a stateswoman who refused to give up. In a nation long fatigued by polarisation and rhetoric, her silence is instructive. It reminds us that sometimes, restraint is the most powerful political statement of all. What she chooses to do next may very well shape how history remembers this moment, and how Bangladesh chooses to move forward. Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is a journalist at The Daily Star. He can be reached at [email protected] . Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission . After four months of advanced medical treatment in London, former Prime Minister and BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia, one of Bangladesh's most resilient political figures, has returned to Dhaka. Her return is not merely a personal event. It arrives at a turning point in Bangladesh's political evolution, following the 2024 mass uprising and amid the uncertainties of a transitional government. More significant than her return is the fact that she is recovering. For a woman long portrayed by her rivals as terminally ill and politically irrelevant, her gradual physical revival offers not just hope to her supporters but a quiet rebuttal to the cynicism and cruelty that previously surrounded her treatment. Years of resistance to her medical care abroad, and the mocking public rhetoric that accompanied it, shook the conscience of many. In the aftermath of the student-led uprising that forced Sheikh Hasina to flee and cleared the way for an interim government led by Prof Muhammad Yunus, Khaleda Zia's reappearance carries symbolic weight. Once placed under house arrest, she now walks into a different political moment—one marked by uncertainty, recalibration, and a chance to redefine democratic participation. Yet, despite all she endured, she has shown no bitterness. She did not attack her political rivals by name. Instead, she called for patience, dialogue, and national unity. This new role—more reflective than combative—mirrors her evolution from a political warrior to a figure of broader moral authority. While she may not return to the frontline of active politics due to her health, her presence continues to shape the BNP's path forward. Indeed, the question now looming over the party is that of leadership transition. It is safe to assume that Khaleda Zia and the party's acting chairman, Tarique Rahman, have had substantive discussions about the BNP's future. While Tarique has led the party since 2018, the return of Zubaida Rahman (Tarique's wife) after 18 years in exile introduces a new layer of interest and possibility. Though Zubaida has never been politically active, her presence is bound to draw attention from party members and observers alike. What shape the BNP will take in the coming days, and how its leadership will evolve, may soon become clearer. The broader political climate remains fragile. The interim government has yet to offer clarity on electoral reforms or a transition timeline, all of which continue to fuel public unease and scepticism. Questions abound about whether the current administration can genuinely facilitate a free and fair electoral process, or whether it risks drifting into another prolonged unelected arrangement. At the same time, the BNP faces its own internal challenges. While the party remains a principal political force, years of suppression, organisational stagnation, and leadership in exile have left it fragmented at the grassroots. In recent months, troubling reports have surfaced of some local leaders and activists engaging in extortion, intimidation, and factional clashes. Intra-party feuds—often driven by rivalry for influence, financial control, or access to leadership—have damaged the BNP's credibility in several districts. Without strong internal discipline and renewed commitment to reform, the party risks squandering the public goodwill that Khaleda Zia's return and symbolic stature have helped rekindle. And yet, through all of this, Khaleda Zia stands as a reminder of resilience in the face of repression. Her political journey, beginning reluctantly after the assassination of her husband, President Ziaur Rahman, has spanned coups, jail terms, boycotts, and ballot box triumphs. She led mass movements against dictatorship, served as prime minister three times, and holds the rare distinction of winning every seat she ever contested. Through personal losses and political isolation, she never chose exile—even when offered. Her strength has not just been organisational but moral. Still, reverence must not replace reason. For the BNP to remain relevant in the coming years, it must go beyond symbolism. It must modernise, listen to the youth, embrace reform, and articulate a vision that speaks to today's Bangladesh—one that includes jobs, justice, rights, and reconciliation. Khaleda Zia's return opens that window, not as a reset to the past but as a passage towards a more balanced and inclusive political future. She remains one of the few figures respected across partisan lines—viewed by some as a symbol of sacrifice, by others as a survivor of injustice, and by many as a stateswoman who refused to give up. In a nation long fatigued by polarisation and rhetoric, her silence is instructive. It reminds us that sometimes, restraint is the most powerful political statement of all. What she chooses to do next may very well shape how history remembers this moment, and how Bangladesh chooses to move forward. Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is a journalist at The Daily Star. He can be reached at [email protected] . Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission .",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-06 06:43:01",
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      • "article_id": "0699fbac3bf0f75b2b0ab2bb53069f52",
      • "title": "Post-LDC strategies for empowering our private sector",
      • "link": "https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/views/news/post-ldc-strategies-empowering-our-private-sector-3887951",
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      • "description": "The development of private sector capabilities is a prerequisite for securing sustainable economic growth.",
      • "content": "The domestic private sector is the pillar of Bangladesh's economic growth, job generation, and export competitiveness. While the country is set to graduate from the Least Developed Country (LDC) status in 2026 and targets to be an upper-middle-income country in the future, the development of private sector capabilities is a prerequisite for securing sustainable economic growth. Structural problems like inadequate infrastructure, inadequate access to finance, and a shortage of skills are hindering domestic business development. To enhance private sector capacity, Bangladesh must take certain policy actions in three areas. First, we must improve access to finance and the investment climate. Private businesses in Bangladesh, particularly the small and medium enterprises (SMEs), are severely hindered by restricted access to finance through high interest rates, collateral requirements, and bureaucratic barriers. Financial system reform, investment, and a pro-business environment must prevail. Broadening the credit facilities of specialised institutions and state banks is the priority. Building stronger credit guarantee schemes will reduce risk for lenders, allowing SMEs to borrow without unreasonable collateral. Creating alternative channels, such as venture capital and crowdfunding, will also facilitate funding for startups and high-growth firms. Simplification of regulatory clearance, tax payment, and business registration is required to remove bureaucratic bottlenecks and enhance the ease of doing business. Domestic and foreign direct investment can be promoted by strengthening the Bangladesh Investment Development Authority (BIDA). Efficient dispute resolution and contract enforcement mechanisms will enhance investor confidence. Developing robust capital markets and attaining financial inclusion are central to long-term growth. Developing a deeper bond market and access to new financial products will support long-term investment. Making stock market listings easier will increase equity financing access. Developing more digital financial services and fintech solutions will ease credit access and online payment for SMEs. Addressing these financial and regulatory challenges is crucial to supporting a robust private sector to deliver sustainable economic growth following LDC graduation. Second, we need to find ways to enhance industrial productivity and technology adoption. Bangladesh's private sector, which relies strongly on low-cost labour and traditional manufacturing, is not highly competitive in high-value global markets. It is necessary to upgrade, innovate, and digitise industries to build a future-ready sector that is robust. This needs to be done by transitioning to more contemporary and technology-led methods to enhance productivity and competitiveness. Enhancing local supply chains and industrial clusters through the utilisation of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) and industrial parks will foster integration into international chains, stimulating economic growth and sustainability. The growth of backwards linkages in key sectors like textiles and electronics will reduce dependence on imports and enhance self-sufficiency. Local production of raw materials will be encouraged to improve local value addition and price competitiveness. Encouraging technological upgrading and digitalisation through tax rebates and subsidies for automation and digital infrastructure is essential. Establishing technology adoption funds will allow SMEs to embrace Industry 4.0 technologies like Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Internet of Things (IoT). Expanding government-supported technology incubators will foster innovation and digital entrepreneurship. Industry innovation needs public-private collaboration. Academia-business Research and Development collaboration will propel innovation in high-value industries. Product development and technology transfer grants will foster frontier development. Sector-specific technology hubs will expose local businesses to emerging technologies, making them competitive globally. Focus on supply chains, technological upgradation, and collaboration can lead to a powerful, future-ready private sector. Third, we should focus on developing human capital and entrepreneurial capacity. A flexible and well-trained workforce is central to Bangladesh's private sector growth, where a wide skills gap hinders development. Technical education, vocational training, and entrepreneurial upskilling must improve to equip businesses with the necessary skills and drive innovation. Economic development will be encouraged by redirecting vocational training and education through more Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) programmes that are industry need-responsive. Practical skills will be enhanced through the creation of apprenticeship schemes with the help of private firms. Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education and Information and Communication Technology (ICT) literacy will equip the workforce for the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Fostering entrepreneurship through startup incubation centres that offer mentorship and funding will fuel business innovation. Granting more tax relief and scholarships for startups in high-priority sectors like fintech and renewable energy will attract sustainable development. Women-only lending and training will generate inclusive growth and empower women entrepreneurs. Strengthening labour market policies that address job creation, workers' rights, and adaptability in employment will address unemployment. Encouraging public-private discussion will ensure policies that account for evolving business and worker needs. Facilitating cross-border labour mobility arrangements will make professional skills workable across the world, creating expertise and driving economic growth. Addressing these domains will cultivate a dynamic, skilled workforce, accelerating private sector growth. The development of Bangladesh's private sector following graduation from the LDC status hinges on resolving critically constraining factors strategically. Through improving finance access and the investment climate, industrial productivity by adopting technology, and building human capital and entrepreneurship capacity, Bangladesh can unlock its private sector's full potential. Focused policy interventions in the three interlinked areas are critical to building a robust, competitive, and forward-looking private sector and ultimately realising sustainable economic growth as well as upper-middle-income country status. Dr Selim Raihan is professor in the Department of Economics at the University of Dhaka and executive director of the South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM). He can be reached at [email protected] . Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission. The domestic private sector is the pillar of Bangladesh's economic growth, job generation, and export competitiveness. While the country is set to graduate from the Least Developed Country (LDC) status in 2026 and targets to be an upper-middle-income country in the future, the development of private sector capabilities is a prerequisite for securing sustainable economic growth. Structural problems like inadequate infrastructure, inadequate access to finance, and a shortage of skills are hindering domestic business development. To enhance private sector capacity, Bangladesh must take certain policy actions in three areas. First, we must improve access to finance and the investment climate. Private businesses in Bangladesh, particularly the small and medium enterprises (SMEs), are severely hindered by restricted access to finance through high interest rates, collateral requirements, and bureaucratic barriers. Financial system reform, investment, and a pro-business environment must prevail. Broadening the credit facilities of specialised institutions and state banks is the priority. Building stronger credit guarantee schemes will reduce risk for lenders, allowing SMEs to borrow without unreasonable collateral. Creating alternative channels, such as venture capital and crowdfunding, will also facilitate funding for startups and high-growth firms. Simplification of regulatory clearance, tax payment, and business registration is required to remove bureaucratic bottlenecks and enhance the ease of doing business. Domestic and foreign direct investment can be promoted by strengthening the Bangladesh Investment Development Authority (BIDA). Efficient dispute resolution and contract enforcement mechanisms will enhance investor confidence. Developing robust capital markets and attaining financial inclusion are central to long-term growth. Developing a deeper bond market and access to new financial products will support long-term investment. Making stock market listings easier will increase equity financing access. Developing more digital financial services and fintech solutions will ease credit access and online payment for SMEs. Addressing these financial and regulatory challenges is crucial to supporting a robust private sector to deliver sustainable economic growth following LDC graduation. Second, we need to find ways to enhance industrial productivity and technology adoption. Bangladesh's private sector, which relies strongly on low-cost labour and traditional manufacturing, is not highly competitive in high-value global markets. It is necessary to upgrade, innovate, and digitise industries to build a future-ready sector that is robust. This needs to be done by transitioning to more contemporary and technology-led methods to enhance productivity and competitiveness. Enhancing local supply chains and industrial clusters through the utilisation of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) and industrial parks will foster integration into international chains, stimulating economic growth and sustainability. The growth of backwards linkages in key sectors like textiles and electronics will reduce dependence on imports and enhance self-sufficiency. Local production of raw materials will be encouraged to improve local value addition and price competitiveness. Encouraging technological upgrading and digitalisation through tax rebates and subsidies for automation and digital infrastructure is essential. Establishing technology adoption funds will allow SMEs to embrace Industry 4.0 technologies like Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Internet of Things (IoT). Expanding government-supported technology incubators will foster innovation and digital entrepreneurship. Industry innovation needs public-private collaboration. Academia-business Research and Development collaboration will propel innovation in high-value industries. Product development and technology transfer grants will foster frontier development. Sector-specific technology hubs will expose local businesses to emerging technologies, making them competitive globally. Focus on supply chains, technological upgradation, and collaboration can lead to a powerful, future-ready private sector. Third, we should focus on developing human capital and entrepreneurial capacity. A flexible and well-trained workforce is central to Bangladesh's private sector growth, where a wide skills gap hinders development. Technical education, vocational training, and entrepreneurial upskilling must improve to equip businesses with the necessary skills and drive innovation. Economic development will be encouraged by redirecting vocational training and education through more Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) programmes that are industry need-responsive. Practical skills will be enhanced through the creation of apprenticeship schemes with the help of private firms. Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education and Information and Communication Technology (ICT) literacy will equip the workforce for the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Fostering entrepreneurship through startup incubation centres that offer mentorship and funding will fuel business innovation. Granting more tax relief and scholarships for startups in high-priority sectors like fintech and renewable energy will attract sustainable development. Women-only lending and training will generate inclusive growth and empower women entrepreneurs. Strengthening labour market policies that address job creation, workers' rights, and adaptability in employment will address unemployment. Encouraging public-private discussion will ensure policies that account for evolving business and worker needs. Facilitating cross-border labour mobility arrangements will make professional skills workable across the world, creating expertise and driving economic growth. Addressing these domains will cultivate a dynamic, skilled workforce, accelerating private sector growth. The development of Bangladesh's private sector following graduation from the LDC status hinges on resolving critically constraining factors strategically. Through improving finance access and the investment climate, industrial productivity by adopting technology, and building human capital and entrepreneurship capacity, Bangladesh can unlock its private sector's full potential. Focused policy interventions in the three interlinked areas are critical to building a robust, competitive, and forward-looking private sector and ultimately realising sustainable economic growth as well as upper-middle-income country status. Dr Selim Raihan is professor in the Department of Economics at the University of Dhaka and executive director of the South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM). He can be reached at [email protected] . Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-06 06:12:00",
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      {
      • "article_id": "083688bed82268af590a336b4ff621c7",
      • "title": "A gradual, homegrown approach to reforming political parties",
      • "link": "https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/views/news/gradual-homegrown-approach-reforming-political-parties-3887446",
      • "keywords": null,
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      • "description": "Our political system stifles democracy and holds back economic progress.",
      • "content": "The political parties in Bangladesh are trapped in a cycle of family dominance, top-down decision-making, and favour-based politics. This system stifles democracy and holds back economic progress. Unlike mature democracies, we cannot suddenly copy their models or erase decades of entrenched practices, but the spirit of our 1971 Liberation War, the 1990 pro-democracy movement, and the July 2024 uprising show our people's unyielding demand for change. Reforms must suit Bangladesh's reality. They need to be practical, step-by-step, and grounded in our political culture. History and global examples offer useful lessons—not perfect blueprints, but roadmaps we can adapt. Some envision Bangladesh rapidly replacing its current system with fully institutionalised, merit-based parties. However, this overlooks the formidable barriers we face: entrenched patronage networks, weak accountability mechanisms, and powerful vested interests that benefit from maintaining the status quo. The experience of the United States is instructive. Their party system required a century to establish its basic structure and another century to implement significant internal reforms. Even today, their democracy continues to grapple with the corrupting influence of money in politics. This serves as both a cautionary tale and a reminder that meaningful change takes time. Rushing for radical changes without first building necessary institutions risks instability, not progress. Instead, the focus should be on incremental reforms that gradually shift incentives towards inclusive and transparent governance, as seen in Indonesia and Mexico, where parties successfully navigated similar transitions. A humble beginning could be with checks within the existing party structures, rather than attempting full-blown intra-party democracy immediately. After Indonesia's Suharto fell in 1998, his former ruling party, Golkar—once synonymous with cronyism—began requiring internal elections and term limits for regional leaders. While dynasties retained influence, these cracks in the system allowed competent newcomers to rise. Britain's Conservative Party transformed from an 1800s aristocratic club to a modern organisation through decades of gradual steps: local branches (1830s), formal membership (1860s), and eventually open leadership contests. For Bangladesh, term limits for mid-level leaders (e.g. district unit presidents) and expanded electoral colleges for top posts could begin loosening dynastic control, one careful step at a time. Following the money Sudden crackdowns on party financing might disrupt politics before alternatives exist. Brazil took a smarter path in the 1990s: it paired public campaign funds with rules requiring disclosure of large donations. Pakistan's 2017 Election Act, despite uneven enforcement, at least set clear rules for donation limits and candidate spending. The US took a full 70 years to develop its campaign finance regulations: beginning with the 1907 Tillman Act banning corporate donations, followed by the 1925 Federal Corrupt Practices Act mandating disclosures, and culminating in the more comprehensive 1971 Federal Election Campaign Act. Yet, even today, money remains a distorting factor in American politics, a sobering reminder that no system is perfect. Bangladesh might consider starting with mandatory disclosure of donations exceeding Tk 10 lakh, followed by the introduction of independent financial audits, and eventually moving towards a system of partial public funding for parties that demonstrate compliance, mirroring Germany's successful post-war approach to reducing political corruption. Open primaries may be too much too soon. South Africa's ANC found a middle way after apartheid: local branches suggest candidates, but the central party vets the final list, mixing grassroots input with organisational control. Even the US primary system grew slowly. Early 1900s experiments only became standard in the 1970s. Some states still use party conventions alongside primaries. India's BJP lets local members voice opinions, though Delhi ultimately decides. Bangladesh could pilot \"consultative nominations\": local leaders propose candidates for central approval, with more open methods tested first in municipal elections—mirroring the UK Labour Party's 20th-century evolution. Today's politics revolves around leaders, not ideas. South Korea changed this in the 2000s by requiring parties to publish detailed, cost policy plans reviewed by experts. Suddenly, voters expected substance, not just handouts. The US's journey from 19th century backroom deals to today's detailed platforms took generations. China, under its one-party system, lets local members vote on some leadership roles. Here, parties could submit manifestoes to independent analysts, with media partners broadcasting the findings—following Sweden's model of public policy report cards. Big constitutional changes may spark resistance, but small moves can empower opposition voices. Britain formalised opposition rights over 150 years: first recognising the \"Leader of the Opposition\" title in the early 19th century, adding a salary in 1937, and finally codifying opposition rights in parliamentary procedures. After Malaysia's 2018 reforms, opposition leaders gained committee seats, improving oversight without upending the system. Nepal's constitution (Article 91) guarantees opposition roles—a South Asian example we could tweak. Reforming Bangladesh's parties would not happen in one election cycle. But global experience proves that steady, smart steps work. We can begin with achievable goals: term limits for mid-level leaders, transparent party financing, more inclusive candidate selection, policy-based competition, and basic opposition rights. The real hurdle is not knowing what to do—it's maintaining pressure for change. Civil society, media, and citizens must keep demanding progress. For our political leaders, reform is not just idealism—it's survival. Systems that resist evolution eventually collapse. Bangladesh's parties can choose gradual change today or risk upheaval tomorrow. The Bangladesh spirit reminds us: transformation is possible when the people lead. Dr Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir is professor in the Department of Development Studies at the University of Dhaka. Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission . The political parties in Bangladesh are trapped in a cycle of family dominance, top-down decision-making, and favour-based politics. This system stifles democracy and holds back economic progress. Unlike mature democracies, we cannot suddenly copy their models or erase decades of entrenched practices, but the spirit of our 1971 Liberation War, the 1990 pro-democracy movement, and the July 2024 uprising show our people's unyielding demand for change. Reforms must suit Bangladesh's reality. They need to be practical, step-by-step, and grounded in our political culture. History and global examples offer useful lessons—not perfect blueprints, but roadmaps we can adapt. Some envision Bangladesh rapidly replacing its current system with fully institutionalised, merit-based parties. However, this overlooks the formidable barriers we face: entrenched patronage networks, weak accountability mechanisms, and powerful vested interests that benefit from maintaining the status quo. The experience of the United States is instructive. Their party system required a century to establish its basic structure and another century to implement significant internal reforms. Even today, their democracy continues to grapple with the corrupting influence of money in politics. This serves as both a cautionary tale and a reminder that meaningful change takes time. Rushing for radical changes without first building necessary institutions risks instability, not progress. Instead, the focus should be on incremental reforms that gradually shift incentives towards inclusive and transparent governance, as seen in Indonesia and Mexico, where parties successfully navigated similar transitions. A humble beginning could be with checks within the existing party structures, rather than attempting full-blown intra-party democracy immediately. After Indonesia's Suharto fell in 1998, his former ruling party, Golkar—once synonymous with cronyism—began requiring internal elections and term limits for regional leaders. While dynasties retained influence, these cracks in the system allowed competent newcomers to rise. Britain's Conservative Party transformed from an 1800s aristocratic club to a modern organisation through decades of gradual steps: local branches (1830s), formal membership (1860s), and eventually open leadership contests. For Bangladesh, term limits for mid-level leaders (e.g. district unit presidents) and expanded electoral colleges for top posts could begin loosening dynastic control, one careful step at a time. Following the money Sudden crackdowns on party financing might disrupt politics before alternatives exist. Brazil took a smarter path in the 1990s: it paired public campaign funds with rules requiring disclosure of large donations. Pakistan's 2017 Election Act, despite uneven enforcement, at least set clear rules for donation limits and candidate spending. The US took a full 70 years to develop its campaign finance regulations: beginning with the 1907 Tillman Act banning corporate donations, followed by the 1925 Federal Corrupt Practices Act mandating disclosures, and culminating in the more comprehensive 1971 Federal Election Campaign Act. Yet, even today, money remains a distorting factor in American politics, a sobering reminder that no system is perfect. Bangladesh might consider starting with mandatory disclosure of donations exceeding Tk 10 lakh, followed by the introduction of independent financial audits, and eventually moving towards a system of partial public funding for parties that demonstrate compliance, mirroring Germany's successful post-war approach to reducing political corruption. Open primaries may be too much too soon. South Africa's ANC found a middle way after apartheid: local branches suggest candidates, but the central party vets the final list, mixing grassroots input with organisational control. Even the US primary system grew slowly. Early 1900s experiments only became standard in the 1970s. Some states still use party conventions alongside primaries. India's BJP lets local members voice opinions, though Delhi ultimately decides. Bangladesh could pilot \"consultative nominations\": local leaders propose candidates for central approval, with more open methods tested first in municipal elections—mirroring the UK Labour Party's 20th-century evolution. Today's politics revolves around leaders, not ideas. South Korea changed this in the 2000s by requiring parties to publish detailed, cost policy plans reviewed by experts. Suddenly, voters expected substance, not just handouts. The US's journey from 19th century backroom deals to today's detailed platforms took generations. China, under its one-party system, lets local members vote on some leadership roles. Here, parties could submit manifestoes to independent analysts, with media partners broadcasting the findings—following Sweden's model of public policy report cards. Big constitutional changes may spark resistance, but small moves can empower opposition voices. Britain formalised opposition rights over 150 years: first recognising the \"Leader of the Opposition\" title in the early 19th century, adding a salary in 1937, and finally codifying opposition rights in parliamentary procedures. After Malaysia's 2018 reforms, opposition leaders gained committee seats, improving oversight without upending the system. Nepal's constitution (Article 91) guarantees opposition roles—a South Asian example we could tweak. Reforming Bangladesh's parties would not happen in one election cycle. But global experience proves that steady, smart steps work. We can begin with achievable goals: term limits for mid-level leaders, transparent party financing, more inclusive candidate selection, policy-based competition, and basic opposition rights. The real hurdle is not knowing what to do—it's maintaining pressure for change. Civil society, media, and citizens must keep demanding progress. For our political leaders, reform is not just idealism—it's survival. Systems that resist evolution eventually collapse. Bangladesh's parties can choose gradual change today or risk upheaval tomorrow. The Bangladesh spirit reminds us: transformation is possible when the people lead. Dr Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir is professor in the Department of Development Studies at the University of Dhaka. Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission .",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-06 04:00:00",
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      • "title": "Can a new law balance cybersecurity and free expression?",
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      • "description": "The critical question of cyber safety is at the forefront.",
      • "content": "The critical question of cyber safety is at the forefront with governments globally striving to protect citizens online while preserving freedom of expression. Bangladesh too is on the cusp of a transformation that hinges on robust reforms of cyber safety laws. The Cyber Security Act 2023 (CSA), mirroring the now-repealed Digital Security Act 2018 (DSA), continues the legacy of vaguely defined offences that restrict free speech and impose severe penalties, including up to 14 years of imprisonment and hefty fines. Such provisions, reminiscent of the earlier repealed section 57 of the Information and Communication Technology Act, 2006 (ICTA), have been criticised for stifling dissent, with accusations of misuse by authorities to target journalists, academics, and others. Although section 57 of the ICTA and several DSA provisions have been challenged in the Supreme Court, many cases under these laws continue. In a significant move, the law ministry announced an initiative to withdraw speech-related cases filed until August 2024 under the ICTA, DSA, and CSA. This was followed by a stakeholders' meeting to discuss CSA reform proposals. By early October 2024, the government decided to repeal the CSA . As a result, a significant number of draft versions of the Cyber Shurokkha Ordinance (CSO) have been produced even after the approval of an initial draft by the advisory council in December 2024, reflecting deliberations among rights activists, legal experts, and other citizens. These drafts penalise various offences similar to earlier iterations but notably reduce the number of speech offences while introducing penalties for new harmful content. However, some definitions and procedures remain concerning, as discussed further below. Cyber violence The proposed CSO penalises \"sexual harassment,\" \"revenge porn,\" and \"child sexual abuse material\" on cyberspace. This will potentially have a positive impact on women and girls, who experience such forms of cyber violence. However, these terms are not defined, creating a scope for subjective interpretation and inconsistent application of the proposed ordinance. Similarly, the proposal's aim to criminalise sharing videos that are deemed \"obscene,\" is rooted in subjective moral standards adopted from the colonial-era Penal Code. As the meaning of \"obscene\" varies widely among people, it risks limiting freedom of expression, complicating enforcement, and causing inconsistent application. It may also lead to self-censorship among creators and artists. Besides, obscenity laws are often misused, including those under the Pornography Control Act 2012. These laws particularly affect women, often leading to moral policing. The draft CSO shifts focus from protecting religious sentiments to penalising speech deemed hateful or provocative towards religions or their followers. However, its vague language may lead to misuse and subjective interpretation, threatening free expression and public discourse, crucial for societal progress. This conflicts with Article 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which limits speech of religious hatred among others only when inciting discrimination, hostility, or violence. While defamation has been removed from the proposals, the offence of criminal defamation considered a disproportionate response to protecting reputation, persists under the Penal Code. It applies equally to offline and online platforms and makes the change in the CSO largely ineffective. International bodies recommend decriminalisation of defamation, as echoed in the Media Reforms Commissions' March 2025 report to ensure free expression. The draft also aims to curb frivolous lawsuits by limiting case filings to aggrieved individuals, their representatives, or law enforcers. However, this may fail in situations such as alleged religious provocations, where many can claim grievances. In contrast, when victims of online sexual harassment and their representatives choose to avoid reporting due to the lack of victim and witness protection, perpetrators might escape accountability if case filing is restricted to these parties. Procedural issues The draft grants extensive powers to the director general of the Cyber Protection Agency, resembling those held by agencies under the CSA and DSA. They may demand the blocking of data through the Bangladesh Telecommunication Regulatory Commission (BTRC) or the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Division based on vague criteria including undermining \"solidarity\" and \"religious sentiments.\" The vagueness of criteria, the overlapping roles between the BTRC and the ICT Division, and the latter's power to demand data blocking, present significant risks for surveillance and threats to free expression. The proposed CSO also permit police to search, seize, and arrest without warrants on broad grounds, such as mere suspicion of hacking or cyber-attacks on Critical Information Infrastructure. Though narrower than the CSA, DSA, or ICTA, these undefined criteria still risk misuse. Investigations can still last up to 105 days, with extensions approved by Cyber Tribunals on vague \"reasonable grounds.\" Severe penalties, including up to 10 years in prison and Tk 1 crore fine, without sentencing guidelines, risk inconsistent application. Collectively, these measures threaten freedom of expression, privacy, and due process rights, potentially leading to pre-trial harassment. Furthermore, the Cyber Shurokkha Agency, with government-appointed directors will act as directed by the government resembling the agencies under the CSA and DSA. This raises concerns about government influence over their activities including blocking content. Meanwhile, the proposed National Cyber Shurokkha Council, led by the prime minister or chief adviser, will steer the agency in applying the draft ordinance and tackling cybersecurity threats. The council, mainly composed of government and security officials, risks power misuse and surveillance issues, echoing concerns from earlier councils under the CSA and DSA. To protect individuals from online harm while upholding fundamental freedoms, such as the right to expression outlined in the ICCPR (Articles 19 and 20), offences must be clearly defined. Any restrictions on speech must be legitimate and proportionate. Warrantless arrests should be restricted to instances of direct threats to the body, with clear investigation protocols ensuring due process. Fair sentencing guidelines, including non-punitive options like community service or fines for minor offences, should be introduced. Also, digital forensic labs and an independent regulatory body, free from government influence must be established. An independent body to manage content blocking is necessary, aligning categories with permissible restrictions under the ICCPR and ensuring procedural safeguards, such as court-authorised blocks, to protect freedom of expression. The question is: will the government roll out a cyber framework to herald a new era of restricted dialogue, or will it evolve to strike a balanced chord between protecting online discourse and safeguarding free expression? The conversation continues. Priya Ahsan Chowdhury is a barrister, and advocate at the Supreme Court of Bangladesh, and associate at Dr Kamal Hossain and Associates. Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission . The critical question of cyber safety is at the forefront with governments globally striving to protect citizens online while preserving freedom of expression. Bangladesh too is on the cusp of a transformation that hinges on robust reforms of cyber safety laws. The Cyber Security Act 2023 (CSA), mirroring the now-repealed Digital Security Act 2018 (DSA), continues the legacy of vaguely defined offences that restrict free speech and impose severe penalties, including up to 14 years of imprisonment and hefty fines. Such provisions, reminiscent of the earlier repealed section 57 of the Information and Communication Technology Act, 2006 (ICTA), have been criticised for stifling dissent, with accusations of misuse by authorities to target journalists, academics, and others. Although section 57 of the ICTA and several DSA provisions have been challenged in the Supreme Court, many cases under these laws continue. In a significant move, the law ministry announced an initiative to withdraw speech-related cases filed until August 2024 under the ICTA, DSA, and CSA. This was followed by a stakeholders' meeting to discuss CSA reform proposals. By early October 2024, the government decided to repeal the CSA . As a result, a significant number of draft versions of the Cyber Shurokkha Ordinance (CSO) have been produced even after the approval of an initial draft by the advisory council in December 2024, reflecting deliberations among rights activists, legal experts, and other citizens. These drafts penalise various offences similar to earlier iterations but notably reduce the number of speech offences while introducing penalties for new harmful content. However, some definitions and procedures remain concerning, as discussed further below. Cyber violence The proposed CSO penalises \"sexual harassment,\" \"revenge porn,\" and \"child sexual abuse material\" on cyberspace. This will potentially have a positive impact on women and girls, who experience such forms of cyber violence. However, these terms are not defined, creating a scope for subjective interpretation and inconsistent application of the proposed ordinance. Similarly, the proposal's aim to criminalise sharing videos that are deemed \"obscene,\" is rooted in subjective moral standards adopted from the colonial-era Penal Code. As the meaning of \"obscene\" varies widely among people, it risks limiting freedom of expression, complicating enforcement, and causing inconsistent application. It may also lead to self-censorship among creators and artists. Besides, obscenity laws are often misused, including those under the Pornography Control Act 2012. These laws particularly affect women, often leading to moral policing. The draft CSO shifts focus from protecting religious sentiments to penalising speech deemed hateful or provocative towards religions or their followers. However, its vague language may lead to misuse and subjective interpretation, threatening free expression and public discourse, crucial for societal progress. This conflicts with Article 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which limits speech of religious hatred among others only when inciting discrimination, hostility, or violence. While defamation has been removed from the proposals, the offence of criminal defamation considered a disproportionate response to protecting reputation, persists under the Penal Code. It applies equally to offline and online platforms and makes the change in the CSO largely ineffective. International bodies recommend decriminalisation of defamation, as echoed in the Media Reforms Commissions' March 2025 report to ensure free expression. The draft also aims to curb frivolous lawsuits by limiting case filings to aggrieved individuals, their representatives, or law enforcers. However, this may fail in situations such as alleged religious provocations, where many can claim grievances. In contrast, when victims of online sexual harassment and their representatives choose to avoid reporting due to the lack of victim and witness protection, perpetrators might escape accountability if case filing is restricted to these parties. Procedural issues The draft grants extensive powers to the director general of the Cyber Protection Agency, resembling those held by agencies under the CSA and DSA. They may demand the blocking of data through the Bangladesh Telecommunication Regulatory Commission (BTRC) or the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Division based on vague criteria including undermining \"solidarity\" and \"religious sentiments.\" The vagueness of criteria, the overlapping roles between the BTRC and the ICT Division, and the latter's power to demand data blocking, present significant risks for surveillance and threats to free expression. The proposed CSO also permit police to search, seize, and arrest without warrants on broad grounds, such as mere suspicion of hacking or cyber-attacks on Critical Information Infrastructure. Though narrower than the CSA, DSA, or ICTA, these undefined criteria still risk misuse. Investigations can still last up to 105 days, with extensions approved by Cyber Tribunals on vague \"reasonable grounds.\" Severe penalties, including up to 10 years in prison and Tk 1 crore fine, without sentencing guidelines, risk inconsistent application. Collectively, these measures threaten freedom of expression, privacy, and due process rights, potentially leading to pre-trial harassment. Furthermore, the Cyber Shurokkha Agency, with government-appointed directors will act as directed by the government resembling the agencies under the CSA and DSA. This raises concerns about government influence over their activities including blocking content. Meanwhile, the proposed National Cyber Shurokkha Council, led by the prime minister or chief adviser, will steer the agency in applying the draft ordinance and tackling cybersecurity threats. The council, mainly composed of government and security officials, risks power misuse and surveillance issues, echoing concerns from earlier councils under the CSA and DSA. To protect individuals from online harm while upholding fundamental freedoms, such as the right to expression outlined in the ICCPR (Articles 19 and 20), offences must be clearly defined. Any restrictions on speech must be legitimate and proportionate. Warrantless arrests should be restricted to instances of direct threats to the body, with clear investigation protocols ensuring due process. Fair sentencing guidelines, including non-punitive options like community service or fines for minor offences, should be introduced. Also, digital forensic labs and an independent regulatory body, free from government influence must be established. An independent body to manage content blocking is necessary, aligning categories with permissible restrictions under the ICCPR and ensuring procedural safeguards, such as court-authorised blocks, to protect freedom of expression. The question is: will the government roll out a cyber framework to herald a new era of restricted dialogue, or will it evolve to strike a balanced chord between protecting online discourse and safeguarding free expression? The conversation continues. Priya Ahsan Chowdhury is a barrister, and advocate at the Supreme Court of Bangladesh, and associate at Dr Kamal Hossain and Associates. Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission .",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-06 02:00:00",
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      • "article_id": "580430c62fd813912d6923f3b3085d07",
      • "title": "As I seek justice for my father, I want a government that practises the reforms it preaches",
      • "link": "https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/views/news/i-seek-justice-my-father-i-want-government-practises-the-reforms-it-preaches-3887581",
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      • "description": "This weaponisation of murder cases means that my family lives in constant fear of retribution.",
      • "content": "This column was first published by Netra News on May 2, 2025. Mamun Mia was in his garments shop, quietly working away with his shutters half-open, until a stray bullet pierced his chest. Liza Akhter, a 19-year-old domestic worker, perhaps thought her position on the balcony of a 14th floor flat would allow her to safely watch the chaos unfolding on the ground below—until indiscriminate firing ended her life. Siam was shot through the head on his way back home from what turned out to be his last ever shift at the bhaater hotel where he worked. He was only 17 years old. They were only a few of the victims of the brutal and coordinated, state-sponsored violence that the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UN OHCHR) estimates killed up to 1,400 people during the July-August mass uprising. In almost nine months since these innocent people were killed, there has been no progress in bringing their killers to justice. No investigation reports have been submitted by the police, and no charges have been framed against their suspected killers. While cases have been filed, the poorly lodged FIRs contain a list of 50-200 accused, with no specific allegations against anyone. There are clear signs that they have been hastily compiled and contain conflicting information: in one of them, newspaper clippings submitted as \"evidence\" imply the killing didn't even happen in the specified city, let alone the thana, while another contains a death certificate from an entirely different part of the country. I know all this because my 78-year-old father, cultural activist and former Awami League MP Asaduzzaman Noor , is one of the names in the long lists of accused in these cases. On September 15, 2024, he was picked up from his home at around midnight, and for over seven months now, he has been imprisoned without charge, with no legal explanation on how he can be held responsible for these crimes—committed during the uprising, when he held neither executive nor leadership positions in the government. A common refrain insinuated by the corridors of power has been to bear this quietly, lest things become worse. Over this period, I have watched my father become weaker and more frail by the day, be hospitalised with debilitating pain, and still be obstructed from getting bail. I have stood in court as opposition lawyers openly called for \"Baker Bhai\"—one of the iconic characters he played—to be hanged for Awami League's crimes, the presumption of innocence until proven otherwise completely absent from the proceedings. I have been berated for daring to suggest that anyone affiliated with the Awami League could ever be entitled to such a thing as due process. I am not so blinded by the injustice of my father's incarceration that I cannot fathom the anger towards the former regime, especially from the students who saw so many of their compatriots killed, and from opposition groups who saw their leaders imprisoned for years on end using the same biased judiciary and repressive practices. Nor am I asking for sympathy, which the atrocities committed by the Awami League have made difficult for anyone to feel towards the party's members. What I do struggle to understand, however, is how a government full of human rights practitioners and champions—led by a victim of judicial harassment and vocal proponent of due process at home and abroad—who are so bent on reforms can continue to be indifferent to such a flawed and ineffective criminal justice system. Should my father be imprisoned indefinitely? Is this also not a failure of justice for the victims of the uprising? Does having the victims' cases stuck in the deliberate purgatory of the judicial system, bouncing back and forth between courts, months going by without any movement, contribute in any way towards holding their real killers accountable? How do their families feel about their loved ones being used as pawns in what is being revealed as a blatant game of political retribution? These vague, mass arrest cases have, by this point, seen potentially hundreds of people imprisoned without charge by the current government. While the majority of the senior members of the former regime have managed to escape—the details of how that happened and who conspired to allow it have yet to come to light—it seems that anyone even remotely affiliated with or accused of being affiliated with the Awami League is fair game. In January 2025, Human Rights Watch published a detailed report on the atrocities committed by security forces during the mass uprising, as well as wider human rights abuses committed during the Awami League's rule. There is no way to deny that this truly happened. But what went relatively unnoticed in our media, much less by our interim government, was the concerns it raised about persisting abuses under the interim government, including arbitrary arrests and failure of due process when dealing with the thousands of murder cases that have been lodged since August 5, 2024. Local media have occasionally reported on a number of irregularities in the filing of such cases, including plaintiffs signing reports without knowing who was being accused, identical cases where only the victims' details were changed, and false cases being used for extortion and furthering personal vendettas. This weaponisation of murder cases means that my family lives in constant fear of retribution. Are we allowed to speak up about the failure of justice we see happening in front of our eyes or will we face more cases and repercussions from the government? From the very beginning, there has been a concerted online campaign spreading disinformation about my father and the company he was part of, aimed at fuelling a social media witch-hunt. Recently, this culminated in the inclusion of the company's directors in a single murder case where 408 individuals were accused. Iresh Zaker, who supported and participated in the student-led movement , was named alongside Sheikh Hasina, whose government conducted the slaughter last summer. While the law adviser's acknowledgement that murder cases are being used as tools of harassment, and claim that the legal system will be prepared to combat this, is reassuring, I cannot help but wonder if this extends to every citizen of this country, or just the perfect victims. When my father was first picked up by the police, the chief adviser's press secretary gave a breakdown of his supposed guilt that was thin on evidence and heavy on populist rhetoric, before my father was even arrested on a crime, let alone given the opportunity of a fair hearing. When such a senior member of the government shows no concerns about judicial bias and conflict of interest—using a platform that he admits is partly official and which he frequently uses to speak for and of the chief adviser, promulgating government talking points—I cannot help but wonder whether we can really expect due process and accountability from this government. When my father was first arrested, his daughter-in-law, the University of Dhaka teacher Kajalie Islam—who consistently stood by her students during the uprising as part of the University Teachers' Network, even going to the infamous chief of Dhaka Metropolitan Police's Detective Branch, Harun-or-Rashid, to find out the whereabouts of the student coordinators who had been abducted by the police—spoke out about how my father defended her right to participate in protests to people far more powerful than him. She clarified that while that did not absolve him from criticism for his politics, his involvement in politics does not exclude him from accessing justice in a fair court of law either. In the same vein, I will not try to convince anyone that my father went into politics with the genuine belief that it was better to create incremental change and serve your constituents from within a broken system than to expound criticisms that fall on deaf ears from the outside. I am not here to explain that, when a country takes a vicious turn towards the unbridled authoritarianism we were subjected to, there is very little that MPs from peripheral districts can do to reverse that trend, and even less they can do to extricate themselves from the situation without creating significant dangers for themselves and their families. These may very well be considered unacceptable excuses that are disingenuous, naive or lacking in moral courage. But what I will not stop asking for, over and over again, regardless of whatever repercussions may follow, is justice. Real justice for each and every victim of the state-led killings during the Awami League regime, for Mamun, Liza, Siam and all others massacred during the uprising, and justice, equally real and meaningful, for my father, who has the right to be presumed innocent until proven otherwise. He has a right to bail, to a fair and transparent investigation, and for his dignity and fundamental rights to be protected. Asaduzzaman Noor has now spent more than 220 days as a political prisoner. I am well aware that this has happened countless times to political opponents during the Awami League regime. I am equally aware and repulsed by the many political opponents who were victims of enforced disappearance, torture, and extrajudicial killing. I am grateful for the silver lining of this dark cloud—that at least I know where he is, that I haven't had to endure the agony of the families of the disappeared. But I am reminded of a big difference in the case of my father. When things like this happened on the Awami League's watch, we were living in an autocracy. This time around, we are not. Are we? Shuprova Tasneem is a writer and journalist. Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission . This column was first published by Netra News on May 2, 2025. Mamun Mia was in his garments shop, quietly working away with his shutters half-open, until a stray bullet pierced his chest. Liza Akhter, a 19-year-old domestic worker, perhaps thought her position on the balcony of a 14th floor flat would allow her to safely watch the chaos unfolding on the ground below—until indiscriminate firing ended her life. Siam was shot through the head on his way back home from what turned out to be his last ever shift at the bhaater hotel where he worked. He was only 17 years old. They were only a few of the victims of the brutal and coordinated, state-sponsored violence that the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UN OHCHR) estimates killed up to 1,400 people during the July-August mass uprising. In almost nine months since these innocent people were killed, there has been no progress in bringing their killers to justice. No investigation reports have been submitted by the police, and no charges have been framed against their suspected killers. While cases have been filed, the poorly lodged FIRs contain a list of 50-200 accused, with no specific allegations against anyone. There are clear signs that they have been hastily compiled and contain conflicting information: in one of them, newspaper clippings submitted as \"evidence\" imply the killing didn't even happen in the specified city, let alone the thana, while another contains a death certificate from an entirely different part of the country. I know all this because my 78-year-old father, cultural activist and former Awami League MP Asaduzzaman Noor , is one of the names in the long lists of accused in these cases. On September 15, 2024, he was picked up from his home at around midnight, and for over seven months now, he has been imprisoned without charge, with no legal explanation on how he can be held responsible for these crimes—committed during the uprising, when he held neither executive nor leadership positions in the government. A common refrain insinuated by the corridors of power has been to bear this quietly, lest things become worse. Over this period, I have watched my father become weaker and more frail by the day, be hospitalised with debilitating pain, and still be obstructed from getting bail. I have stood in court as opposition lawyers openly called for \"Baker Bhai\"—one of the iconic characters he played—to be hanged for Awami League's crimes, the presumption of innocence until proven otherwise completely absent from the proceedings. I have been berated for daring to suggest that anyone affiliated with the Awami League could ever be entitled to such a thing as due process. I am not so blinded by the injustice of my father's incarceration that I cannot fathom the anger towards the former regime, especially from the students who saw so many of their compatriots killed, and from opposition groups who saw their leaders imprisoned for years on end using the same biased judiciary and repressive practices. Nor am I asking for sympathy, which the atrocities committed by the Awami League have made difficult for anyone to feel towards the party's members. What I do struggle to understand, however, is how a government full of human rights practitioners and champions—led by a victim of judicial harassment and vocal proponent of due process at home and abroad—who are so bent on reforms can continue to be indifferent to such a flawed and ineffective criminal justice system. Should my father be imprisoned indefinitely? Is this also not a failure of justice for the victims of the uprising? Does having the victims' cases stuck in the deliberate purgatory of the judicial system, bouncing back and forth between courts, months going by without any movement, contribute in any way towards holding their real killers accountable? How do their families feel about their loved ones being used as pawns in what is being revealed as a blatant game of political retribution? These vague, mass arrest cases have, by this point, seen potentially hundreds of people imprisoned without charge by the current government. While the majority of the senior members of the former regime have managed to escape—the details of how that happened and who conspired to allow it have yet to come to light—it seems that anyone even remotely affiliated with or accused of being affiliated with the Awami League is fair game. In January 2025, Human Rights Watch published a detailed report on the atrocities committed by security forces during the mass uprising, as well as wider human rights abuses committed during the Awami League's rule. There is no way to deny that this truly happened. But what went relatively unnoticed in our media, much less by our interim government, was the concerns it raised about persisting abuses under the interim government, including arbitrary arrests and failure of due process when dealing with the thousands of murder cases that have been lodged since August 5, 2024. Local media have occasionally reported on a number of irregularities in the filing of such cases, including plaintiffs signing reports without knowing who was being accused, identical cases where only the victims' details were changed, and false cases being used for extortion and furthering personal vendettas. This weaponisation of murder cases means that my family lives in constant fear of retribution. Are we allowed to speak up about the failure of justice we see happening in front of our eyes or will we face more cases and repercussions from the government? From the very beginning, there has been a concerted online campaign spreading disinformation about my father and the company he was part of, aimed at fuelling a social media witch-hunt. Recently, this culminated in the inclusion of the company's directors in a single murder case where 408 individuals were accused. Iresh Zaker, who supported and participated in the student-led movement , was named alongside Sheikh Hasina, whose government conducted the slaughter last summer. While the law adviser's acknowledgement that murder cases are being used as tools of harassment, and claim that the legal system will be prepared to combat this, is reassuring, I cannot help but wonder if this extends to every citizen of this country, or just the perfect victims. When my father was first picked up by the police, the chief adviser's press secretary gave a breakdown of his supposed guilt that was thin on evidence and heavy on populist rhetoric, before my father was even arrested on a crime, let alone given the opportunity of a fair hearing. When such a senior member of the government shows no concerns about judicial bias and conflict of interest—using a platform that he admits is partly official and which he frequently uses to speak for and of the chief adviser, promulgating government talking points—I cannot help but wonder whether we can really expect due process and accountability from this government. When my father was first arrested, his daughter-in-law, the University of Dhaka teacher Kajalie Islam—who consistently stood by her students during the uprising as part of the University Teachers' Network, even going to the infamous chief of Dhaka Metropolitan Police's Detective Branch, Harun-or-Rashid, to find out the whereabouts of the student coordinators who had been abducted by the police—spoke out about how my father defended her right to participate in protests to people far more powerful than him. She clarified that while that did not absolve him from criticism for his politics, his involvement in politics does not exclude him from accessing justice in a fair court of law either. In the same vein, I will not try to convince anyone that my father went into politics with the genuine belief that it was better to create incremental change and serve your constituents from within a broken system than to expound criticisms that fall on deaf ears from the outside. I am not here to explain that, when a country takes a vicious turn towards the unbridled authoritarianism we were subjected to, there is very little that MPs from peripheral districts can do to reverse that trend, and even less they can do to extricate themselves from the situation without creating significant dangers for themselves and their families. These may very well be considered unacceptable excuses that are disingenuous, naive or lacking in moral courage. But what I will not stop asking for, over and over again, regardless of whatever repercussions may follow, is justice. Real justice for each and every victim of the state-led killings during the Awami League regime, for Mamun, Liza, Siam and all others massacred during the uprising, and justice, equally real and meaningful, for my father, who has the right to be presumed innocent until proven otherwise. He has a right to bail, to a fair and transparent investigation, and for his dignity and fundamental rights to be protected. Asaduzzaman Noor has now spent more than 220 days as a political prisoner. I am well aware that this has happened countless times to political opponents during the Awami League regime. I am equally aware and repulsed by the many political opponents who were victims of enforced disappearance, torture, and extrajudicial killing. I am grateful for the silver lining of this dark cloud—that at least I know where he is, that I haven't had to endure the agony of the families of the disappeared. But I am reminded of a big difference in the case of my father. When things like this happened on the Awami League's watch, we were living in an autocracy. This time around, we are not. Are we? Shuprova Tasneem is a writer and journalist. Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission .",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-05 16:40:34",
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      {
      • "article_id": "8b604c91824d742929f839b571091b32",
      • "title": "Reforms are crucial to ensure women's rights",
      • "link": "https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/editorial/news/reforms-are-crucial-ensure-womens-rights-3887561",
      • "keywords": null,
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      • "description": "Constructive engagement must to resolve ongoing debates and challenges",
      • "content": "We are shocked by the abusive and abhorrent language used at the Hefazat-e-Islam rally by some groups as they outright rejected the recommendations made by the Women's Affairs Reform Commission, calling for its immediate abolition . At a time when the people of the country aspire to build a discrimination-free society, such rhetoric—insulting women—is not only condemnable but also contrary to the values and respect for women in Islam. The demand for the abolition of the commission is also unreasonable and disturbing. Some groups might have reservations about certain aspects of the reform proposals that, as they claim, contradict Islamic values and laws. But to reject all the recommendations without any dialogue—and using such unsavoury language—is reprehensible. Is it possible for a nation to progress by depriving half of its population of their rights? Women's participation in the workplace has made huge contributions to the economy. Our garment industry—which is keeping our economy afloat—is almost entirely dependent on the female workforce. Women have played an instrumental role in major political movements, the most recent being the July-August student-led mass uprising. Their contribution in defeating fascism must be acknowledged and fully honoured. The Women's Affairs Reform Commission was established by the interim government as part of its initiative to promote gender equality and eliminate discrimination against women in society. It has, therefore, put forward several crucial recommendations to empower women and ensure their rights, address the various forms of abuse women face, and suggested multiple protection mechanisms. Apart from the recommendations that generated outrage among some circles, the commission also made many other vital proposals. It has called on the government to adopt and implement the International Labour Organization's Conventions C189 and C190, which aim to safeguard the rights of domestic workers and ensure protection against workplace violence and harassment. The commission also highlighted the need to strengthen or amend several laws to better support victims of violence, including the Prevention of Domestic Violence Act, 2010 and the Guardians and Wards Act, 1890. It proposed introducing a new law on sexual harassment, based on the 2009 High Court guidelines. It also recommended ensuring six months' paid maternity leave, two weeks' paid paternity leave, and childcare facilities in all sectors. Can there be any doubt that all these recommendations are crucial if women are to contribute meaningfully to social and national progress? We, therefore, urge the like-minded parties and groups who held the rally on May 3 to examine the proposals realistically and engage in discussions or debates about the recommendations they find problematic. They should also learn from the experiences of other Islamic nations on how they have navigated similar struggles and upheld women's rights. As the commission's recommendations will be presented to political parties through the National Consensus Commission, there will be scope for further debate—which they should utilise to express their views. However, they must remember that the rights to equality, non-discrimination, and protection from violence and abuse cannot be matters of contention, as these rights are guaranteed to every human being. We are shocked by the abusive and abhorrent language used at the Hefazat-e-Islam rally by some groups as they outright rejected the recommendations made by the Women's Affairs Reform Commission, calling for its immediate abolition . At a time when the people of the country aspire to build a discrimination-free society, such rhetoric—insulting women—is not only condemnable but also contrary to the values and respect for women in Islam. The demand for the abolition of the commission is also unreasonable and disturbing. Some groups might have reservations about certain aspects of the reform proposals that, as they claim, contradict Islamic values and laws. But to reject all the recommendations without any dialogue—and using such unsavoury language—is reprehensible. Is it possible for a nation to progress by depriving half of its population of their rights? Women's participation in the workplace has made huge contributions to the economy. Our garment industry—which is keeping our economy afloat—is almost entirely dependent on the female workforce. Women have played an instrumental role in major political movements, the most recent being the July-August student-led mass uprising. Their contribution in defeating fascism must be acknowledged and fully honoured. The Women's Affairs Reform Commission was established by the interim government as part of its initiative to promote gender equality and eliminate discrimination against women in society. It has, therefore, put forward several crucial recommendations to empower women and ensure their rights, address the various forms of abuse women face, and suggested multiple protection mechanisms. Apart from the recommendations that generated outrage among some circles, the commission also made many other vital proposals. It has called on the government to adopt and implement the International Labour Organization's Conventions C189 and C190, which aim to safeguard the rights of domestic workers and ensure protection against workplace violence and harassment. The commission also highlighted the need to strengthen or amend several laws to better support victims of violence, including the Prevention of Domestic Violence Act, 2010 and the Guardians and Wards Act, 1890. It proposed introducing a new law on sexual harassment, based on the 2009 High Court guidelines. It also recommended ensuring six months' paid maternity leave, two weeks' paid paternity leave, and childcare facilities in all sectors. Can there be any doubt that all these recommendations are crucial if women are to contribute meaningfully to social and national progress? We, therefore, urge the like-minded parties and groups who held the rally on May 3 to examine the proposals realistically and engage in discussions or debates about the recommendations they find problematic. They should also learn from the experiences of other Islamic nations on how they have navigated similar struggles and upheld women's rights. As the commission's recommendations will be presented to political parties through the National Consensus Commission, there will be scope for further debate—which they should utilise to express their views. However, they must remember that the rights to equality, non-discrimination, and protection from violence and abuse cannot be matters of contention, as these rights are guaranteed to every human being.",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-05 15:14:08",
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      • "article_id": "fe37b53c07f481abfd99a851aa2caf3d",
      • "title": "The language of oppression against women",
      • "link": "https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/views/news/the-language-oppression-against-women-3887331",
      • "keywords": null,
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      • "description": "In countless homes across this region and beyond, patriarchy does not always arrive with fists raised.",
      • "content": "In countless homes across this region and beyond, patriarchy does not always arrive with fists raised. Sometimes, it enters quietly, through questions posed at the dinner table or through softly spoken reprimands. It wears the mask of care, culture, and religion. It whispers instead of shouts. But its impact is no less corrosive. Consider the seemingly simple question: \"Why are you wearing that? It is a warning against autonomy; a message that a woman's body is not her own to dress, express, or even freely exist in. Or take the familiar \"How will you get a good husband if you behave like that?\" As though a woman's entire identity is an audition for someone else's approval. As though her value lies not in her mind or spirit, but in how well she fits the mould of a submissive bride. Even the pursuit of financial independence is questioned under the guise of protection: \"Why do you need to work when your father or husband provides for you?\" In many households, this is less a question and more a directive. It places women in a state of dependence, framed as \"spiritual design\", when in fact it is social control. But in today's world, a two-income household is no longer a luxury—it's a necessity. The cost of living has ballooned beyond what a single salary can shoulder. Rent, education, healthcare, transport, food, none of it is affordable anymore on one income alone, especially not in urban Bangladesh. See, denying women the right to work doesn't just limit their independence, it weakens the entire household. Financial resilience, emotional stability, long-term planning—all of these suffer when a family has to rely on one strained income. Women with careers don't threaten families; they strengthen them and to suggest, in this economy, that a woman shouldn't work is not just outdated, it is reckless and suicidal. Our agricultural sector depends on women without whose essential contribution our food supply would practically disappear. The concern often shifts to reputation with lines like: \"What will people say if you stay out so late?\" Say in the instance of women journalists. This, of course, is never asked of sons. The female body, the female presence, is viewed as something that must be contained and covered to protect the family's honour. The female body, the female presence, is viewed as something that must be contained and covered to protect the family's honour. When women show ambition or assertiveness, they are met with moral reminders masked as reverence: \"Don't you want to be a good daughter or wife?\", effectively erasing the history of women religious leaders and entrepreneurs who helped sustain their families. Any form of resistance is immediately spiritualised: \"Why are you talking back? That's not how a pious woman behaves.\" Disagreement becomes impiety. Voice becomes vice. The dismissal of career aspirations is just as calculated. \"Shouldn't you be focusing on your family instead of chasing a career?\" This assumes that family and ambition are mutually exclusive for women, while for men, success outside the home is seen as a \"duty.\" Women are told their \"real place is in the house,\" as if the walls of a kitchen were ordained boundaries. The idea that \"good women are obedient to their husbands\" circulates freely at family gatherings, conveniently ignoring that obedience was never meant to be the cornerstone of love. Even education is treated as a threat. \"Too much education makes women rebellious,\" elders sometimes say, often with a laugh, but there is no humour in the intent. Knowledge, after all, is the root of liberation. And when all else fails, patriarchy cloaks itself in smug certainty: \"Religion already gave women all their rights—there's no need for feminism.\" This statement silences dissent while completely ignoring the systematic denial of those very rights in real life. And perhaps most commonly, women are told: \"Marriage completes a woman's faith.\" As if without a man, her spiritual journey is unfinished. As if devotion alone is not enough. Even among the so-called sympathisers, women are rarely acknowledged as complete human beings. Instead, they are framed through their relationships to men: \"She's someone's mother, sister, or daughter.\" The implication is clear: respect us not because we are people with our own rights and minds, but because we belong to someone else. This framing reduces us to extensions of others, never as individuals in our own right. It is not compassion; no, sorry, it is another form of control disguised as reverence. Even after August 5, after citizens of this country, including men and women, fought against discrimination, words to belittle women were not sparingly used. It began with calling us, whoever spoke for women's rights, \"Shahbaagi\"—a term which was already being used to describe protesting women as \"wayward woman,\" and then later twisted into something more sinister, branding us \"sex workers\"—\"shah**gi.\" The slur was meant to shame, but more so, to silence. We were painted as immoral, disloyal, or even dangerous simply because we dared to ask for rights that were long overdue. We were branded supporters of a \"fascist regime,\" not because we were advocating for any political party, but because we demanded justice for women. And if we are the fascists for asking for dignity and equality, then what does that make them, for opposing such basic rights? These aren't just sentences or mere words. They are structures. They build walls around women while pretending to protect them. They are spoken with such regularity and confidence that they begin to sound like truth. But they are not. They are the language of control—scripted, very well-rehearsed, and passed down like heirlooms in households that confuse oppression with devotion. As Moroccan scholar Fatema Mernissi once said, \"If women's rights are a problem for some modern Muslim men, it is neither because of the Quran nor the Prophet, nor the Islamic tradition, but simply because those rights conflict with the interests of a male elite.\" (Mernissi, 1991). Egyptian-American activist Mona Eltahawy reminds us, \"The battles over women's bodies can be won only by a revolution of the mind.\" (Eltahawy, 2015). And Nawal El Saadawi, the pioneering Egyptian women rights worker, declared, \"Women are half the society. You cannot have a revolution without women. You cannot have democracy without women. You cannot have equality without women. You can't have anything without women.\" (El Saadawi, 2007). I repeat: you cannot have anything without women. Naziba Basher is a journalist at The Daily Star. Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission . In countless homes across this region and beyond, patriarchy does not always arrive with fists raised. Sometimes, it enters quietly, through questions posed at the dinner table or through softly spoken reprimands. It wears the mask of care, culture, and religion. It whispers instead of shouts. But its impact is no less corrosive. Consider the seemingly simple question: \"Why are you wearing that? It is a warning against autonomy; a message that a woman's body is not her own to dress, express, or even freely exist in. Or take the familiar \"How will you get a good husband if you behave like that?\" As though a woman's entire identity is an audition for someone else's approval. As though her value lies not in her mind or spirit, but in how well she fits the mould of a submissive bride. Even the pursuit of financial independence is questioned under the guise of protection: \"Why do you need to work when your father or husband provides for you?\" In many households, this is less a question and more a directive. It places women in a state of dependence, framed as \"spiritual design\", when in fact it is social control. But in today's world, a two-income household is no longer a luxury—it's a necessity. The cost of living has ballooned beyond what a single salary can shoulder. Rent, education, healthcare, transport, food, none of it is affordable anymore on one income alone, especially not in urban Bangladesh. See, denying women the right to work doesn't just limit their independence, it weakens the entire household. Financial resilience, emotional stability, long-term planning—all of these suffer when a family has to rely on one strained income. Women with careers don't threaten families; they strengthen them and to suggest, in this economy, that a woman shouldn't work is not just outdated, it is reckless and suicidal. Our agricultural sector depends on women without whose essential contribution our food supply would practically disappear. The concern often shifts to reputation with lines like: \"What will people say if you stay out so late?\" Say in the instance of women journalists. This, of course, is never asked of sons. The female body, the female presence, is viewed as something that must be contained and covered to protect the family's honour. The female body, the female presence, is viewed as something that must be contained and covered to protect the family's honour. When women show ambition or assertiveness, they are met with moral reminders masked as reverence: \"Don't you want to be a good daughter or wife?\", effectively erasing the history of women religious leaders and entrepreneurs who helped sustain their families. Any form of resistance is immediately spiritualised: \"Why are you talking back? That's not how a pious woman behaves.\" Disagreement becomes impiety. Voice becomes vice. The dismissal of career aspirations is just as calculated. \"Shouldn't you be focusing on your family instead of chasing a career?\" This assumes that family and ambition are mutually exclusive for women, while for men, success outside the home is seen as a \"duty.\" Women are told their \"real place is in the house,\" as if the walls of a kitchen were ordained boundaries. The idea that \"good women are obedient to their husbands\" circulates freely at family gatherings, conveniently ignoring that obedience was never meant to be the cornerstone of love. Even education is treated as a threat. \"Too much education makes women rebellious,\" elders sometimes say, often with a laugh, but there is no humour in the intent. Knowledge, after all, is the root of liberation. And when all else fails, patriarchy cloaks itself in smug certainty: \"Religion already gave women all their rights—there's no need for feminism.\" This statement silences dissent while completely ignoring the systematic denial of those very rights in real life. And perhaps most commonly, women are told: \"Marriage completes a woman's faith.\" As if without a man, her spiritual journey is unfinished. As if devotion alone is not enough. Even among the so-called sympathisers, women are rarely acknowledged as complete human beings. Instead, they are framed through their relationships to men: \"She's someone's mother, sister, or daughter.\" The implication is clear: respect us not because we are people with our own rights and minds, but because we belong to someone else. This framing reduces us to extensions of others, never as individuals in our own right. It is not compassion; no, sorry, it is another form of control disguised as reverence. Even after August 5, after citizens of this country, including men and women, fought against discrimination, words to belittle women were not sparingly used. It began with calling us, whoever spoke for women's rights, \"Shahbaagi\"—a term which was already being used to describe protesting women as \"wayward woman,\" and then later twisted into something more sinister, branding us \"sex workers\"—\"shah**gi.\" The slur was meant to shame, but more so, to silence. We were painted as immoral, disloyal, or even dangerous simply because we dared to ask for rights that were long overdue. We were branded supporters of a \"fascist regime,\" not because we were advocating for any political party, but because we demanded justice for women. And if we are the fascists for asking for dignity and equality, then what does that make them, for opposing such basic rights? These aren't just sentences or mere words. They are structures. They build walls around women while pretending to protect them. They are spoken with such regularity and confidence that they begin to sound like truth. But they are not. They are the language of control—scripted, very well-rehearsed, and passed down like heirlooms in households that confuse oppression with devotion. As Moroccan scholar Fatema Mernissi once said, \"If women's rights are a problem for some modern Muslim men, it is neither because of the Quran nor the Prophet, nor the Islamic tradition, but simply because those rights conflict with the interests of a male elite.\" (Mernissi, 1991). Egyptian-American activist Mona Eltahawy reminds us, \"The battles over women's bodies can be won only by a revolution of the mind.\" (Eltahawy, 2015). And Nawal El Saadawi, the pioneering Egyptian women rights worker, declared, \"Women are half the society. You cannot have a revolution without women. You cannot have democracy without women. You cannot have equality without women. You can't have anything without women.\" (El Saadawi, 2007). I repeat: you cannot have anything without women. Naziba Basher is a journalist at The Daily Star. Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission .",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-05 11:31:21",
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      {
      • "article_id": "e7b3025117acbc6f5535549d1ea33d85",
      • "title": "Albanese has a mandate to shift Australia’s strategic ties",
      • "link": "https://asiatimes.com/2025/05/albanese-has-a-mandate-to-shift-australias-strategic-ties/",
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      • "description": "The re-election of the Albanese Labor government by such a wide margin should not mean “business as usual” for Australia’s security policy. The global uncertainty instigated by US President Donald Trump means Australia’s security landscape is very different today from when Labor was first elected in 2022, or even when its Defence Strategic Review was [...]The post Albanese has a mandate to shift Australia’s strategic ties appeared first on Asia Times.",
      • "content": "The re-election of the Albanese Labor government by such a wide margin should not mean “business as usual” for Australia’s security policy. The global uncertainty instigated by US President Donald Trump means Australia’s security landscape is very different today from when Labor was first elected in 2022, or even when its was released in 2023. As we argue in , the Albanese government faces increasingly difficult questions. How can we maintain our crucial security alliance with the US while deepening partnerships with other countries that have reservations about US policy? And, given Trump’s recent actions, how much can we continue to rely on the United States and what are the potential costs of the alliance? With a massive parliamentary majority, the new government has an opportunity for bold thinking on national security. This is not the time for Australia to keep its head down – we need to face the rapidly changing world with our heads held high. Trump 2.0 is not the same as 1.0 We do not advocate that Australia step away from the US alliance. We are also realistic that decades of defense procurement mean (and its subsequent sustainment) for our security. The deep interoperability between the Australian Defence Force and the US military is something alliance sceptics too readily gloss over: much Australian military capability cannot function without ongoing American support. At the same time, many alliance advocates underestimate the impact of the new challenges we face. Some assumed a between the first and second Trump administrations. However, we are not convinced the lessons learned from Trump 1.0 are still valid. A key difference between Trump 1.0 and 2.0 is the effect of his move away from respecting international law. For example, the US has condemning the Ukraine war, withdrawn from the and , and damaged relations with , among many other actions. As a , Australia has long relied on the “ ” to advance its foreign and strategic policy interests. Even if “normal transmission” resumes under a new US president in 2029, we are concerned the Trump administration’s structural changes to the international order will not easily be wound back. American soft power has been decimated by cuts to the US State Department, USAID and international broadcasting services. This will also not be rebuilt quickly. A second difference is that there are few “ ” in the Trump administration. The advisers who kept Trump in check during his first administration have been replaced by loyalists less likely to push back against his ideas and impulses. This includes his that allies have been exploiting the US. The Albanese government needs to think more deeply about how to hedge against dependence on the US. This means investing in relations with other partners, especially in Asia and the Pacific, and working with them to promote the laws, rules and norms that maintain stability and predictability in global affairs. An idealistic vision for the future We are also concerned that many in the national security community base their policy recommendations on the assumption that war between the US and China is inevitable, and such a conflict could draw in Australia as America’s ally. Rather, the Trump administration’s preference for “deals” opens the possibility the US and China might come to an that will affect in our region. Australia may not be prepared for this. The new government must engage in more open discussion about how we would maintain our security if the US does pull back from the region or Australians don’t support. As a start, we need to consider how Australia can better pursue within the alliance structure. We need a range of strategic options in the future that don’t rely on an outdated image of the US as a reliable partner. This debate should be guided by what we call “ .” Rather than accepting the way things are, the government and members of the national security community need to re-imagine how things can be. We argue the Albanese government should from its thumping electoral win to articulate a politics of hope, opportunity and possibility for our future security. This needs to drown out the cynicism, passive acceptance and learned helplessness that often characterizes Australian national security debates. We are conscious that being “idealistic” is often dismissed as impractical, naive “wishful thinking.” But the new government needs to demonstrate to Australians it has the courage to face the diverse, interlinked and complex security challenges we face – potentially on our own. These extend to issues such as cyber attacks, transnational crime and climate change. Practical steps As a first step, the Albanese government urgently needs to commission an that considers all the Australia can use to respond to these challenges. This means engaging more with partners in Southeast Asia and the Pacific. In particular, Australia should consider investing more heavily in information programs and public diplomacy as the . The government must also engage better with the public and be more transparent about its security options and decisions. On AUKUS, for instance, the government must build its “ ” from the public to sustain such a massive deal across generations. Australians need to be better informed about – and consulted on – the decisions they will ultimately pay for. This also includes being upfront with Australians about the need for greater in a tumultuous world. It is understandably tempting for the new Albanese government to continue a “ ” approach when it comes to the US. This has meant minimizing domestic debate about the alliance that could undermine support for AUKUS and avoid risking the ire of a thin-skinned Trump. But the government needs the courage to ask difficult questions and imagine different futures.",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-05 09:33:49",
      • "pubDateTZ": "UTC",
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        • "kyrgyzstan",
        • "syria",
        • "israel",
        • "bhutan",
        • "iran",
        • "turkey",
        • "armenia",
        • "qatar",
        • "philippines",
        • "hong kong",
        • "kazakhstan",
        • "iraq",
        • "bangladesh",
        • "laos",
        • "vietnam",
        • "timor-leste",
        • "kuwait",
        • "myanmar",
        • "azerbaijan",
        • "jordan",
        • "nepal",
        • "oman",
        • "sri lanka",
        • "uzbekistan",
        • "turkmenistan",
        • "macau",
        • "bahrain",
        • "cambodia",
        • "tajikistan"
        ],
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      • "sentiment": "positive",
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      {
      • "article_id": "b56c5fb434b267674c9a92f64f005bed",
      • "title": "Prioritise the well-being of our protectors",
      • "link": "https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/editorial/news/prioritise-the-well-being-our-protectors-3887191",
      • "keywords": null,
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      • "description": "Firefighters must have proper compensation, health insurance, and safety gear",
      • "content": "Despite the critical role played by firefighters who put their lives at risk to rescue victims from catastrophes, it is quite disappointing that the state has failed not only to provide them with due compensation and benefits, but also to equip them properly with safety gear while at work. According to a report in this daily , since independence, at least 47 firefighters have lost their lives in the line of duty, with the highest number of deaths taking place at the BM Container Depot in Chattogram's Sitakunda in 2022, which killed 13 firefighters. Over the years, our increasingly dense urban spaces, the general lack of fire safety measures, and a failure to enforce building rules and regulations have contributed to a surge in fire incidents in the country. Unfortunately, the capacity of the Department of Fire Service and Civil Defence (FSCD) has not increased at the same pace. Currently, the FSCD has 14,570 members, meaning there's less than one firefighter per 1,000 people in Bangladesh. Sadly, we are not even ensuring proper compensation for them. The compensation they receive from the government and their departmental welfare fund in case of death or injury is inadequate, according to an official quoted by this daily. What's worse is that firefighters do not even have insurance coverage for death, disability, or injury caused while at work. As a result, their families are often left to fend for themselves when a firefighter dies or is maimed. Besides, not all members have safety gear, including fire suits and breathing equipment. In many countries, trained volunteers often work alongside career firefighters in fire departments. But if we fail to provide proper equipment even to career firefighters, how can anyone feel encouraged to volunteer for such a risky job? Furthermore, there is the issue of inadequate training, which came into discussion particularly after the 2022 chemical-induced Sitakunda fire. Reportedly, the new director general of the fire service has promised to take steps to meet some of the challenges the department faces. We hope that the interim government will consider increasing the department's budget to enhance its capacity and manpower, as well as create specialised units equipped to handle catastrophes such as earthquakes. For both man-made and natural disaster preparedness, there is no alternative to fairly compensating and ensuring the safety and training of our first responders, among whom firefighters play a major role. Despite the critical role played by firefighters who put their lives at risk to rescue victims from catastrophes, it is quite disappointing that the state has failed not only to provide them with due compensation and benefits, but also to equip them properly with safety gear while at work. According to a report in this daily , since independence, at least 47 firefighters have lost their lives in the line of duty, with the highest number of deaths taking place at the BM Container Depot in Chattogram's Sitakunda in 2022, which killed 13 firefighters. Over the years, our increasingly dense urban spaces, the general lack of fire safety measures, and a failure to enforce building rules and regulations have contributed to a surge in fire incidents in the country. Unfortunately, the capacity of the Department of Fire Service and Civil Defence (FSCD) has not increased at the same pace. Currently, the FSCD has 14,570 members, meaning there's less than one firefighter per 1,000 people in Bangladesh. Sadly, we are not even ensuring proper compensation for them. The compensation they receive from the government and their departmental welfare fund in case of death or injury is inadequate, according to an official quoted by this daily. What's worse is that firefighters do not even have insurance coverage for death, disability, or injury caused while at work. As a result, their families are often left to fend for themselves when a firefighter dies or is maimed. Besides, not all members have safety gear, including fire suits and breathing equipment. In many countries, trained volunteers often work alongside career firefighters in fire departments. But if we fail to provide proper equipment even to career firefighters, how can anyone feel encouraged to volunteer for such a risky job? Furthermore, there is the issue of inadequate training, which came into discussion particularly after the 2022 chemical-induced Sitakunda fire. Reportedly, the new director general of the fire service has promised to take steps to meet some of the challenges the department faces. We hope that the interim government will consider increasing the department's budget to enhance its capacity and manpower, as well as create specialised units equipped to handle catastrophes such as earthquakes. For both man-made and natural disaster preparedness, there is no alternative to fairly compensating and ensuring the safety and training of our first responders, among whom firefighters play a major role.",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-05 08:30:10",
      • "pubDateTZ": "UTC",
      • "image_url": "https://tds-images.thedailystar.net/sites/default/files/styles/big_202/public/images/2025/05/05/safety_recognition_of_firefighters.png",
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      {
      • "article_id": "b8eec3d38b742e5776a75c2556b22708",
      • "title": "Are we ready for the upcoming floods?",
      • "link": "https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/editorial/news/are-we-ready-the-upcoming-floods-3887181",
      • "keywords": null,
      • "creator": null,
      • "description": "Reports of slow, sloppy embankment works worrying",
      • "content": "We are concerned about the lack of, or slow pace in, preparation for the upcoming floods as seen in a number of haor and other vulnerable regions even though the monsoon season is approaching fast. According to media reports, one key problem relates to the vulnerability of existing flood protection embankments or those under construction, where a large part of the work either remains unfinished or is being hastily executed without adequate quality control—inviting the risk of being overflown or washed away once the monsoon sets in. The threat this situation poses to crops, homes, and life in general cannot be stressed enough. A recent report by Prothom Alo highlights the risks facing Sunamganj, where the Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB) is implementing a Tk 308 crore project to construct permanent embankments in 14 haors across seven upazilas. But so far, less than 60 percent of the work has been completed, making it unlikely that those will be ready in time. Sloppy work has also been seen during field visits to multiple sites. For example, in some cases, soil work remains incomplete but concrete blocks are already being placed there; in others, construction appears rushed and poorly planned, with some sections already eroding due to early rains. BWDB officials have denied allegations of negligence or irregularities and attributed the slow progress to various constraints. But the fact is, things would have turned out differently had they planned better and started earlier. A similar trend of neglect has also been observed in Shariatpur's Jajira end of the Padma Bridge project area, where, according to a report by this daily , a two-kilometre-long embankment has been facing erosion for months. BWDB delayed repair work for over four months after a 100-metre section collapsed last November. Only on April 24 did they finally begin repairs with geo-bags and CC blocks. If the embankment is not reinforced properly and fast, several critical infrastructures within 500 metres of the bridge's Jajira end and four surrounding villages could come under severe threat from erosion. In another alarming development , there was a severe breach in the BWDB embankment along the Kapotaksha River in Assasuni upazila of Satkhira on Friday, triggering fears that saline river water could inundate at least five nearby villages. These are not isolated incidents. Embankments built by the BWDB routinely give way due to natural calamities, tidal pressure, and poorly planned or weak construction, affecting communities time and again. These failings reveal a wider problem of bureaucratic inefficiency, poor planning, contractor negligence, and inadequate local engagement, all of which must be addressed. We urge the government to undertake a critical review of the state of flood preparedness across the country. It must mobilise resources to properly complete all embankment works in haor and erosion-prone areas, empower community-led flood protection schemes wherever feasible, and strengthen rapid-response mechanisms in vulnerable regions so that any damage from flooding or erosion can be minimised. We are concerned about the lack of, or slow pace in, preparation for the upcoming floods as seen in a number of haor and other vulnerable regions even though the monsoon season is approaching fast. According to media reports, one key problem relates to the vulnerability of existing flood protection embankments or those under construction, where a large part of the work either remains unfinished or is being hastily executed without adequate quality control—inviting the risk of being overflown or washed away once the monsoon sets in. The threat this situation poses to crops, homes, and life in general cannot be stressed enough. A recent report by Prothom Alo highlights the risks facing Sunamganj, where the Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB) is implementing a Tk 308 crore project to construct permanent embankments in 14 haors across seven upazilas. But so far, less than 60 percent of the work has been completed, making it unlikely that those will be ready in time. Sloppy work has also been seen during field visits to multiple sites. For example, in some cases, soil work remains incomplete but concrete blocks are already being placed there; in others, construction appears rushed and poorly planned, with some sections already eroding due to early rains. BWDB officials have denied allegations of negligence or irregularities and attributed the slow progress to various constraints. But the fact is, things would have turned out differently had they planned better and started earlier. A similar trend of neglect has also been observed in Shariatpur's Jajira end of the Padma Bridge project area, where, according to a report by this daily , a two-kilometre-long embankment has been facing erosion for months. BWDB delayed repair work for over four months after a 100-metre section collapsed last November. Only on April 24 did they finally begin repairs with geo-bags and CC blocks. If the embankment is not reinforced properly and fast, several critical infrastructures within 500 metres of the bridge's Jajira end and four surrounding villages could come under severe threat from erosion. In another alarming development , there was a severe breach in the BWDB embankment along the Kapotaksha River in Assasuni upazila of Satkhira on Friday, triggering fears that saline river water could inundate at least five nearby villages. These are not isolated incidents. Embankments built by the BWDB routinely give way due to natural calamities, tidal pressure, and poorly planned or weak construction, affecting communities time and again. These failings reveal a wider problem of bureaucratic inefficiency, poor planning, contractor negligence, and inadequate local engagement, all of which must be addressed. We urge the government to undertake a critical review of the state of flood preparedness across the country. It must mobilise resources to properly complete all embankment works in haor and erosion-prone areas, empower community-led flood protection schemes wherever feasible, and strengthen rapid-response mechanisms in vulnerable regions so that any damage from flooding or erosion can be minimised.",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-05 07:00:33",
      • "pubDateTZ": "UTC",
      • "image_url": "https://tds-images.thedailystar.net/sites/default/files/styles/big_202/public/images/2025/05/05/delay_negligence_undermining_safety_of_bangladesh_embankments.png",
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    • -
      {
      • "article_id": "f740c9917b59339a611177135d40700a",
      • "title": "The critical role of midwives in ensuring maternal health",
      • "link": "https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/views/news/the-critical-role-midwives-ensuring-maternal-health-3886611",
      • "keywords": null,
      • "creator": null,
      • "description": "Midwives frequently serve on the front lines during crises.",
      • "content": "When a pregnant woman arrived at a Rohingya refugee healthcare facility in Cox's Bazar, bleeding profusely and nearing death, it was midwife Rokhsana, trained with support from the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), who helped save her life. Rokhsana and her team stabilised the patient's condition and arranged a hospital referral for a life-saving blood transfusion. \"My journey is fuelled by a simple but powerful belief,\" Rokhsana says. \"No mother should ever have to fear childbirth. I am committed to ensuring that every birth is a moment of joy and not a moment of sorrow.\" Each year, on May 5, we celebrate the International Day of the Midwife, a moment to honour midwives around the world who provide critical care across communities. Midwives are specialised healthcare professionals who can deliver around 90 percent of essential sexual, reproductive, maternal, newborn, and adolescent healthcare services, including services for survivors of gender-based violence (GBV). Their role is indispensable. In Bangladesh, midwifery care has played a key role in achieving a 79 percent reduction in maternal mortality since 2000, as recently reported by UN agencies. Since 2010, the Bangladesh government has made significant strides in integrating midwives into the national healthcare system. Today, the country is recognised as one of six champion countries in the global Midwifery Accelerator initiative. Yet, it still faces a considerable gap: while an estimated 25,000 midwives are required to meet the needs of women and girls, fewer than 3,000 have been deployed to date. A recent study shows that further scaling up midwifery services in Bangladesh could save over 31,000 additional maternal and newborn lives by 2035. The evidence is clear: midwives save lives. But their impact goes far beyond delivery rooms. Midwives frequently serve on the front lines during crises, as seen in Bangladesh, one of the world's most climate- and disaster-vulnerable countries. The rising frequency of emergencies disproportionately affects women, girls, and gender-diverse individuals, limiting access to sexual and reproductive health services. Midwives ensure continued access to safe delivery, family planning, and response to GBV in even the most challenging settings. In May 2024, Cyclone Remal devastated parts of the Mongla upazila, including Sonakhali village. There, nine-month pregnant Swapna, 29, faced a precarious situation. Fortunately, midwife Nazmin, stationed at a nearby UNFPA-supported facility, quickly assessed her high-risk condition, arranged a referral, and provided a cash voucher to cover transport. \"When I came to this facility, I just prayed to Allah that I could serve the women and girls for whom I was appointed,\" Nazmin recalled. \"Without the midwife's support, our story could have ended tragically,\" said Swapna's husband. \"Thanks to her, our baby is safe and healthy.\" Nazmin's working conditions were far from easy. Upon arrival, she found the healthcare facility damaged, with spalling cement, no water supply, and a community unsure of her role. \"At first, the local community didn't accept the facility as a place to safely give birth,\" she explained. But she didn't give up. Nazmin worked with local health workers and volunteers to build trust. With support from health service managers, she began offering delivery services, eventually conducting 27 normal births in just three months. Her story is a testament to the resilience, trust, and professional dedication that midwives bring to communities across Bangladesh. Midwifery is also a sector for sound economic investment. Every $1 invested in midwives delivers $16 in economic and social returns. However, the deployment of midwives in Bangladesh remains painstakingly slow. Shrinking international resources and recent cuts in official development assistance threaten the progress already made. We know what works. Midwives are at the heart of the solution. But training midwives is not enough. They must be deployed, equipped, supported, and protected. Without investing in midwives, we cannot improve the quality of maternity care or end preventable maternal deaths. Now is the time for the government and donors to step up and accelerate the midwifery gains already made. Every delay puts lives at risk—investing in midwives is investing in the health and future of women and newborns. With strategic investment, stronger policies, and community engagement, Bangladesh can ensure that every woman, regardless of location or circumstance, has access to life-saving midwifery care. Masaki Watabe is representative ad interim for the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) in Bangladesh. Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission . When a pregnant woman arrived at a Rohingya refugee healthcare facility in Cox's Bazar, bleeding profusely and nearing death, it was midwife Rokhsana, trained with support from the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), who helped save her life. Rokhsana and her team stabilised the patient's condition and arranged a hospital referral for a life-saving blood transfusion. \"My journey is fuelled by a simple but powerful belief,\" Rokhsana says. \"No mother should ever have to fear childbirth. I am committed to ensuring that every birth is a moment of joy and not a moment of sorrow.\" Each year, on May 5, we celebrate the International Day of the Midwife, a moment to honour midwives around the world who provide critical care across communities. Midwives are specialised healthcare professionals who can deliver around 90 percent of essential sexual, reproductive, maternal, newborn, and adolescent healthcare services, including services for survivors of gender-based violence (GBV). Their role is indispensable. In Bangladesh, midwifery care has played a key role in achieving a 79 percent reduction in maternal mortality since 2000, as recently reported by UN agencies. Since 2010, the Bangladesh government has made significant strides in integrating midwives into the national healthcare system. Today, the country is recognised as one of six champion countries in the global Midwifery Accelerator initiative. Yet, it still faces a considerable gap: while an estimated 25,000 midwives are required to meet the needs of women and girls, fewer than 3,000 have been deployed to date. A recent study shows that further scaling up midwifery services in Bangladesh could save over 31,000 additional maternal and newborn lives by 2035. The evidence is clear: midwives save lives. But their impact goes far beyond delivery rooms. Midwives frequently serve on the front lines during crises, as seen in Bangladesh, one of the world's most climate- and disaster-vulnerable countries. The rising frequency of emergencies disproportionately affects women, girls, and gender-diverse individuals, limiting access to sexual and reproductive health services. Midwives ensure continued access to safe delivery, family planning, and response to GBV in even the most challenging settings. In May 2024, Cyclone Remal devastated parts of the Mongla upazila, including Sonakhali village. There, nine-month pregnant Swapna, 29, faced a precarious situation. Fortunately, midwife Nazmin, stationed at a nearby UNFPA-supported facility, quickly assessed her high-risk condition, arranged a referral, and provided a cash voucher to cover transport. \"When I came to this facility, I just prayed to Allah that I could serve the women and girls for whom I was appointed,\" Nazmin recalled. \"Without the midwife's support, our story could have ended tragically,\" said Swapna's husband. \"Thanks to her, our baby is safe and healthy.\" Nazmin's working conditions were far from easy. Upon arrival, she found the healthcare facility damaged, with spalling cement, no water supply, and a community unsure of her role. \"At first, the local community didn't accept the facility as a place to safely give birth,\" she explained. But she didn't give up. Nazmin worked with local health workers and volunteers to build trust. With support from health service managers, she began offering delivery services, eventually conducting 27 normal births in just three months. Her story is a testament to the resilience, trust, and professional dedication that midwives bring to communities across Bangladesh. Midwifery is also a sector for sound economic investment. Every $1 invested in midwives delivers $16 in economic and social returns. However, the deployment of midwives in Bangladesh remains painstakingly slow. Shrinking international resources and recent cuts in official development assistance threaten the progress already made. We know what works. Midwives are at the heart of the solution. But training midwives is not enough. They must be deployed, equipped, supported, and protected. Without investing in midwives, we cannot improve the quality of maternity care or end preventable maternal deaths. Now is the time for the government and donors to step up and accelerate the midwifery gains already made. Every delay puts lives at risk—investing in midwives is investing in the health and future of women and newborns. With strategic investment, stronger policies, and community engagement, Bangladesh can ensure that every woman, regardless of location or circumstance, has access to life-saving midwifery care. Masaki Watabe is representative ad interim for the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) in Bangladesh. Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission .",
      • "pubDate": "2025-05-05 04:00:00",
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      • "image_url": "https://tds-images.thedailystar.net/sites/default/files/styles/big_202/public/images/2025/05/04/ed_2_-_midwife_in_crisis_cyclone_remal_photo_unfpa.jpg",
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      {
      • "article_id": "7bdfae93a769d6ad54338de7b57a7e53",
      • "title": "Kashmir’s bloodstained meadows: Can the SCO show a road to reconciliation?",
      • "link": "https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/views/news/kashmirs-bloodstained-meadows-can-the-sco-show-road-reconciliation-3887026",
      • "keywords": null,
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      • "description": "The SCO's flexibility allows rivals to engage without losing face—a vital feature for South Asia’s fractured geopolitics.",
      • "content": "On April 22, 2025, the idyllic meadows of Pahalgam in Kashmir turned into a killing field. Twenty-six tourists—fathers, sons, dreamers—were gunned down by militants claiming allegiance to the Resistance Front, a shadowy group India links to Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba. India retaliated by suspending the Indus Waters Treaty, a lifeline for Pakistan's agriculture, while Pakistan closed its airspace to Indian flights and expelled diplomats. Nuclear arsenals loom; rhetoric hardens. Yet, amid this storm, a fragile olive branch emerges: Iran, reeling from its own tragedy—a port explosion in Hormozgan that killed at least 28 and injured 800—still urges dialogue, quoting 13th-century Persian poet Saadi, \"Human beings are limbs of one body / Created from the same essence.\" Iran's dual crucible: Grief and mediation Even as Iran mourns its dead in Shahid Rajaee Port, its leaders insist on peace. President Masoud Pezeshkian's calls to Narendra Modi and Shehbaz Sharif were not mere diplomacy but a testament to Tehran's belief in Tadamun (solidarity), a philosophy rooted in Persian Sufism and the shared trauma of terrorism. Iran's offer to mediate is strategic: it shares a 909-km border with Pakistan, supplies 10 percent of India's oil, and understands the cost of isolation after decades of sanctions. This duality—grief at home, hope abroad—reveals a truth: South Asia's survival hinges on transcending the zero-sum logic of power politics. The SCO: A stage for reluctant partners For Bangladeshi readers unfamiliar with the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), this 10-nation bloc—China, Russia, India, Pakistan, Iran, and Central Asian states—is no ordinary alliance. Born in 2001 to combat terrorism and foster economic ties, the SCO today represents 40 percent of humanity. Its \"Shanghai Spirit\" prioritises mutual trust, equality, and non-interference—principles starkly absent in South Asia's zero-sum rivalries. Unlike SAARC, paralysed by India-Pakistan feuds, the SCO has quietly hosted leaders from both nations at summits where dialogue persists even as bombs threaten to fall. Among its quiet successes is the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS), a Tashkent-based hub where Indian and Pakistani officials share intelligence on extremist groups, even as their governments trade accusations. Equally significant is the SCO's role in fostering economic pragmatism. Despite bilateral trade collapsing to near zero in 2019, India and Pakistan collaborate on SCO-backed projects like the TAPI gas pipeline, a $10 billion initiative to connect Turkmenistan's energy fields to South Asia. At the 2024 SCO summit in Islamabad, India's external affairs minister met Pakistani leaders informally—a thaw unthinkable in SAARC's gridlocked halls. The SCO is no utopia. It lacks NATO's binding commitments or the EU's economic integration. Yet, its flexibility allows rivals to engage without losing face—a vital feature for South Asia's fractured geopolitics. Araghchi's gambit: Iran as mediator, SCO as stage Abbas Araghchi's offer is no diplomatic platitude. A veteran of the 2015 Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA), he understands the cost of isolation—having weathered Western sanctions—and champions the SCO's vision of a multipolar world free from unilateral coercion. Culturally, Araghchi's invocation of Saadi resonates deeply in a region where Persian poetry and Sufi shrines bind Iran to both nations. This shared heritage, overshadowed by modern animosity, offers a foundation for dialogue. The SCO amplifies this outreach. At the 2024 Astana Summit, members condemned unilateral sanctions and pushed for trade in local currencies—a direct challenge to US financial hegemony. For India and Pakistan, this shared interest in strategic autonomy could incentivise compromise. Imagine SCO-led talks restoring the Indus Waters Treaty, with China and Russia guaranteeing compliance—a win for regional stability and the bloc's credibility. Bangladesh's stake: Why peace in Kashmir matters here Bangladesh, though not an SCO member, has a profound stake in this détente. Our rivers, remittances, and regional trade are entwined with India and Pakistan's stability. The Ganges and Brahmaputra, fed by Himalayan glaciers, bind our fate to India and Pakistan's water wars. A conflict between the two would disrupt regional supply chains, spiking inflation in Dhaka's markets. The World Bank estimates that South Asia loses $80 billion annually due to trade barriers—funds that could uplift 500 million people from poverty. The climate crisis further binds our fates. Himalayan glaciers feed the Ganges, Brahmaputra, and Indus. Their accelerated melting—a crisis demanding joint action—is drowned out by gunfire. Bangladesh's own liberation in 1971, forged through bloodshed, compels us to champion dialogue over destruction. As The Daily Star editorialises, \"Restraint is not weakness—it is the courage to choose humanity over hubris.\" Beyond realism: A blueprint for SCO-driven peace To escape Mearsheimer's \"tragedy,\" South Asia must redefine security through the SCO's lens. First, reviving the Indus Waters Treaty with SCO guarantees could turn water from a weapon into a shared resource. China, as an upstream power and SCO heavyweight, could broker a new agreement monitored by RATS. Second, expanding the SCO's \"Peace Mission\" exercises to include joint India-Pakistan counterterrorism drills could build trust, mirroring ASEAN's maritime cooperation in the South China Sea. Third, Bangladesh could advocate extending China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to include cross-border energy grids, easing regional disputes over resources. Fourth, amplifying Track-II diplomacy through the SCO's proposed Civil Society Forum could host Bangladeshi NGOs, artists, and peace activists, bypassing state hostility to foster grassroots dialogue. Finally, the climate crisis—a common enemy threatening 75 percent of South Asians—demands a joint adaptation fund under SCO auspices, a survival imperative transcending borders. Writing a new destiny, together South Asia holds the pen to rewrite its destiny. As Pakistani poet Faiz Ahmed Faiz implored, \" Bol, ke lab azaad hai tere... \" (\"Speak, for your lips are free\"). The Kashmir attack is a tragedy, but not an inevitability. History whispers alternatives: France and Germany, once archenemies, now anchor the EU. ASEAN turned Southeast Asia from a war zone into an economic bloc. South Asia, with its youthful vigour and civilisational depth, can do the same—if we let the SCO guide us. Bangladesh must add its voice to this chorus. Let us urge Delhi and Islamabad to embrace Araghchi's offer, to meet in SCO halls where poetry outweighs posturing. Let us demand that rivers flow not with blood, but with shared resolve. The audacity of hope As Iran mourned in Hormozgan, its leaders echoed Rumi, \"Out beyond ideas of wrongdoing and rightdoing, there is a field. I'll meet you there.\" South Asia stands at that field. Let Delhi and Islamabad meet there—not with tanks, but with the SCO as witness. The hour is late, but the path is clear. Peace is not a distant dream—it is a choice. Zakir Kibria is a writer and policy analyst. He can be reached at [email protected] . Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission . On April 22, 2025, the idyllic meadows of Pahalgam in Kashmir turned into a killing field. Twenty-six tourists—fathers, sons, dreamers—were gunned down by militants claiming allegiance to the Resistance Front, a shadowy group India links to Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba. India retaliated by suspending the Indus Waters Treaty, a lifeline for Pakistan's agriculture, while Pakistan closed its airspace to Indian flights and expelled diplomats. Nuclear arsenals loom; rhetoric hardens. Yet, amid this storm, a fragile olive branch emerges: Iran, reeling from its own tragedy—a port explosion in Hormozgan that killed at least 28 and injured 800—still urges dialogue, quoting 13th-century Persian poet Saadi, \"Human beings are limbs of one body / Created from the same essence.\" Iran's dual crucible: Grief and mediation Even as Iran mourns its dead in Shahid Rajaee Port, its leaders insist on peace. President Masoud Pezeshkian's calls to Narendra Modi and Shehbaz Sharif were not mere diplomacy but a testament to Tehran's belief in Tadamun (solidarity), a philosophy rooted in Persian Sufism and the shared trauma of terrorism. Iran's offer to mediate is strategic: it shares a 909-km border with Pakistan, supplies 10 percent of India's oil, and understands the cost of isolation after decades of sanctions. This duality—grief at home, hope abroad—reveals a truth: South Asia's survival hinges on transcending the zero-sum logic of power politics. The SCO: A stage for reluctant partners For Bangladeshi readers unfamiliar with the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), this 10-nation bloc—China, Russia, India, Pakistan, Iran, and Central Asian states—is no ordinary alliance. Born in 2001 to combat terrorism and foster economic ties, the SCO today represents 40 percent of humanity. Its \"Shanghai Spirit\" prioritises mutual trust, equality, and non-interference—principles starkly absent in South Asia's zero-sum rivalries. Unlike SAARC, paralysed by India-Pakistan feuds, the SCO has quietly hosted leaders from both nations at summits where dialogue persists even as bombs threaten to fall. Among its quiet successes is the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS), a Tashkent-based hub where Indian and Pakistani officials share intelligence on extremist groups, even as their governments trade accusations. Equally significant is the SCO's role in fostering economic pragmatism. Despite bilateral trade collapsing to near zero in 2019, India and Pakistan collaborate on SCO-backed projects like the TAPI gas pipeline, a $10 billion initiative to connect Turkmenistan's energy fields to South Asia. At the 2024 SCO summit in Islamabad, India's external affairs minister met Pakistani leaders informally—a thaw unthinkable in SAARC's gridlocked halls. The SCO is no utopia. It lacks NATO's binding commitments or the EU's economic integration. Yet, its flexibility allows rivals to engage without losing face—a vital feature for South Asia's fractured geopolitics. Araghchi's gambit: Iran as mediator, SCO as stage Abbas Araghchi's offer is no diplomatic platitude. A veteran of the 2015 Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA), he understands the cost of isolation—having weathered Western sanctions—and champions the SCO's vision of a multipolar world free from unilateral coercion. Culturally, Araghchi's invocation of Saadi resonates deeply in a region where Persian poetry and Sufi shrines bind Iran to both nations. This shared heritage, overshadowed by modern animosity, offers a foundation for dialogue. The SCO amplifies this outreach. At the 2024 Astana Summit, members condemned unilateral sanctions and pushed for trade in local currencies—a direct challenge to US financial hegemony. For India and Pakistan, this shared interest in strategic autonomy could incentivise compromise. Imagine SCO-led talks restoring the Indus Waters Treaty, with China and Russia guaranteeing compliance—a win for regional stability and the bloc's credibility. Bangladesh's stake: Why peace in Kashmir matters here Bangladesh, though not an SCO member, has a profound stake in this détente. Our rivers, remittances, and regional trade are entwined with India and Pakistan's stability. The Ganges and Brahmaputra, fed by Himalayan glaciers, bind our fate to India and Pakistan's water wars. A conflict between the two would disrupt regional supply chains, spiking inflation in Dhaka's markets. The World Bank estimates that South Asia loses $80 billion annually due to trade barriers—funds that could uplift 500 million people from poverty. The climate crisis further binds our fates. Himalayan glaciers feed the Ganges, Brahmaputra, and Indus. Their accelerated melting—a crisis demanding joint action—is drowned out by gunfire. Bangladesh's own liberation in 1971, forged through bloodshed, compels us to champion dialogue over destruction. As The Daily Star editorialises, \"Restraint is not weakness—it is the courage to choose humanity over hubris.\" Beyond realism: A blueprint for SCO-driven peace To escape Mearsheimer's \"tragedy,\" South Asia must redefine security through the SCO's lens. First, reviving the Indus Waters Treaty with SCO guarantees could turn water from a weapon into a shared resource. China, as an upstream power and SCO heavyweight, could broker a new agreement monitored by RATS. Second, expanding the SCO's \"Peace Mission\" exercises to include joint India-Pakistan counterterrorism drills could build trust, mirroring ASEAN's maritime cooperation in the South China Sea. Third, Bangladesh could advocate extending China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to include cross-border energy grids, easing regional disputes over resources. Fourth, amplifying Track-II diplomacy through the SCO's proposed Civil Society Forum could host Bangladeshi NGOs, artists, and peace activists, bypassing state hostility to foster grassroots dialogue. Finally, the climate crisis—a common enemy threatening 75 percent of South Asians—demands a joint adaptation fund under SCO auspices, a survival imperative transcending borders. Writing a new destiny, together South Asia holds the pen to rewrite its destiny. As Pakistani poet Faiz Ahmed Faiz implored, \" Bol, ke lab azaad hai tere... \" (\"Speak, for your lips are free\"). The Kashmir attack is a tragedy, but not an inevitability. History whispers alternatives: France and Germany, once archenemies, now anchor the EU. ASEAN turned Southeast Asia from a war zone into an economic bloc. South Asia, with its youthful vigour and civilisational depth, can do the same—if we let the SCO guide us. Bangladesh must add its voice to this chorus. Let us urge Delhi and Islamabad to embrace Araghchi's offer, to meet in SCO halls where poetry outweighs posturing. Let us demand that rivers flow not with blood, but with shared resolve. The audacity of hope As Iran mourned in Hormozgan, its leaders echoed Rumi, \"Out beyond ideas of wrongdoing and rightdoing, there is a field. I'll meet you there.\" South Asia stands at that field. Let Delhi and Islamabad meet there—not with tanks, but with the SCO as witness. The hour is late, but the path is clear. Peace is not a distant dream—it is a choice. Zakir Kibria is a writer and policy analyst. He can be reached at [email protected] . Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission .",
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      • "title": "What 2025 World Bank-IMF Spring Meetings means for the Global South",
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      • "description": "The Spring Meetings indicate that the IMF and World Bank are at a crossroads.",
      • "content": "The Spring Meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank Group (WBG) on April 21-26, 2025 were held at a time of deep uncertainty in the global economy. The catchy theme of the meetings, \"Jobs: The Path to Prosperity,\" was an attempt to project optimism behind such difficulty. But the world is currently grappling with intensifying trade protectionism, surging debt burdens, slowing economic growth, and a growing climate emergency. For the least developed countries (LDCs) and small island developing states (SIDS), the meetings fell short of offering concrete and transformative solutions for several reasons. A world in flux The global economic context preceding the meetings was bleak. The IMF downgraded the global GDP growth for 2025 to 2.8 percent from the 3.3 percent forecast earlier. This downward revision was prompted by heightened trade tensions, particularly following the sweeping tariffs introduced by the US. The resultant retaliatory tariffs from China have strained global supply chains and added inflationary pressure, further dampening growth prospects. At the same time, the world is also experiencing \"aid shock\" as donor countries announced deep cuts in official development assistance (ODA). According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) , in 2024, international aid from official donors fell by 7.1 percent in real terms compared to 2023. This was the first drop after five years of consecutive growth. Net bilateral aid flows from OECD's Development Assistance Committee (DAC) members to LDCs fell by three percent in real terms compared to 2023. This came at a time when fragile economies are more dependent on concessional financing than ever before. The aid crisis has emerged as a silent emergency for these countries. With the shuttering of USAID funds and other traditional donors slashing aid budgets, grant-based financing is drying up. In response, both the IMF and World Bank have doubled down on mobilising private capital. However, without equity, affordability, and accountability, the effectiveness of such private funds will be under scrutiny. Jobs as a silver bullet? WBG President Ajay Banga highlighted job creation as the linchpin of poverty eradication since a large number of youth in developing and poor countries enter the workforce every year. The World Bank's new strategy stands on three pillars: foundational infrastructure, business-enabling governance, and private capital mobilisation. However, concerns remain as business-enabling governance and private capital could fall short in their efforts to bring the large informal workforce to the formal sector, ensure job security, and improve job quality. Debt distress and the mirage of reform Debt featured prominently in this year's meetings. The IMF warned that global public debt is projected to reach nearly 100 percent of global GDP by 2030. For developing economies, debt servicing costs are becoming unsustainable, which often exceeds spending on education and health. In sub-Saharan Africa, debt service already outpaces social sector expenditures. More worryingly, climate risk is still not fully embedded in debt sustainability analyses. It is now clear that climate change is a macro-critical issue and should be integral to future debt frameworks. Yet, no decisive move was made by the Bretton Woods Institutions to adopt climate-contingent debt clauses or ensure meaningful creditor participation in future restructurings. Climate change: A side act, not centre stage Despite earlier commitments, climate issues were conspicuously sidelined during the 2025 Spring Meetings. Under pressure from its largest shareholder, the US, the World Bank seems to have shifted its focus back to \"core mandates.\" This has effectively marginalised climate adaptation financing. Although the World Bank committed to allocating 45 percent of its financing towards climate-related projects by FY2025 at the 28th Conference of Parties (COP28), the lion's share of these funds still targets mitigation rather than adaptation. For climate-vulnerable countries like Bangladesh, adaptation finance is essential, especially in the face of rising sea levels, erratic monsoons, and flooding. Moreover, the continued preference for loans over grants exacerbates debt vulnerabilities and undermines the countries' long-term resilience. Worse still, the World Bank's energy strategy, which includes nuclear power and natural gas, poses risks to low-income countries as it could lead to a high-carbon trajectory. The needs of energy-insecure communities of these countries should be fulfilled through community-based, decentralised renewable systems. Governance gaps and multilateral drift There was a call by the G24, representing emerging and developing economies, for urgent reforms to reflect changing global economic realities. These calls included lowering the cost of World Bank loans for middle-income countries, greater voice for borrowing countries in governance, and innovative use of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs). On the other hand, another major group, the G20 members, representing about 85 percent of global GDP and two-thirds of the world's population, did not issue a communiqué. This indicates the fragility of today's multilateral system, where countries could not arrive at a unified communiqué. Is Bangladesh falling through the cracks? For Bangladesh, the outcome of the 2025 Spring Meetings is not encouraging. While the rhetoric of job creation may align with its vision of harnessing its demographic dividend, the IMF and World Bank frameworks do little to address the structural hurdles the country faces, including declining export competitiveness due to tariffs, a mounting subsidy bill, and climate-induced displacement. The issue of informality in the labour market is also acute, with more than 80 percent being engaged in the informal sector for employment. Bangladesh, as a lower-middle-income country, would benefit significantly from multilateral reforms in the financial architecture. Its access to concessional finance is shrinking as it prepares for graduation from the LDC category in 2026, even though it still faces climate vulnerabilities and foreign exchange constraints. Hence, the inability to reach a consensus on reform is a setback for countries requiring international finance. Bangladesh is also a candidate for energy and infrastructure investments under the World Bank's private capital mobilisation model. However, without guarantees on fair pricing, social safeguards, and climate alignment, these investments may deepen rather than mitigate risk. The country also stands to lose from the continued emphasis on fiscal consolidation—a core plank of IMF conditionality—at a time when it needs fiscal space to invest in resilience, health, and education. Moreover, Bangladesh's debt-GDP ratio, while manageable compared to peers, is inching upwards. The combination of tighter global financing conditions and rising interest rates poses serious challenges. Yet, the World Bank and IMF meetings offered little in terms of concessional refinancing or structured debt relief mechanisms that Bangladesh and other vulnerable emerging markets and developing economies could benefit from. Hence, while the 2025 Spring Meetings emphasised stability and continuity, they also highlighted the growing disconnect between the Bretton Woods Institutions and the realities of their borrowers. The Spring Meetings indicate that the IMF and World Bank are at a crossroads. They can either continue to operate within the confines of outdated paradigms or embrace a new vision of multilateralism that prioritises climate justice, debt sustainability, and inclusive development. The coming months offer an opportunity to continue the momentum of such demands. With the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development ( FfD4 ) approaching, the world must demand that international financial institutions truly deliver on the promises of sustainability, resilience, and equity. Dr Fahmida Khatun is executive director at the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD). Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission . The Spring Meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank Group (WBG) on April 21-26, 2025 were held at a time of deep uncertainty in the global economy. The catchy theme of the meetings, \"Jobs: The Path to Prosperity,\" was an attempt to project optimism behind such difficulty. But the world is currently grappling with intensifying trade protectionism, surging debt burdens, slowing economic growth, and a growing climate emergency. For the least developed countries (LDCs) and small island developing states (SIDS), the meetings fell short of offering concrete and transformative solutions for several reasons. A world in flux The global economic context preceding the meetings was bleak. The IMF downgraded the global GDP growth for 2025 to 2.8 percent from the 3.3 percent forecast earlier. This downward revision was prompted by heightened trade tensions, particularly following the sweeping tariffs introduced by the US. The resultant retaliatory tariffs from China have strained global supply chains and added inflationary pressure, further dampening growth prospects. At the same time, the world is also experiencing \"aid shock\" as donor countries announced deep cuts in official development assistance (ODA). According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) , in 2024, international aid from official donors fell by 7.1 percent in real terms compared to 2023. This was the first drop after five years of consecutive growth. Net bilateral aid flows from OECD's Development Assistance Committee (DAC) members to LDCs fell by three percent in real terms compared to 2023. This came at a time when fragile economies are more dependent on concessional financing than ever before. The aid crisis has emerged as a silent emergency for these countries. With the shuttering of USAID funds and other traditional donors slashing aid budgets, grant-based financing is drying up. In response, both the IMF and World Bank have doubled down on mobilising private capital. However, without equity, affordability, and accountability, the effectiveness of such private funds will be under scrutiny. Jobs as a silver bullet? WBG President Ajay Banga highlighted job creation as the linchpin of poverty eradication since a large number of youth in developing and poor countries enter the workforce every year. The World Bank's new strategy stands on three pillars: foundational infrastructure, business-enabling governance, and private capital mobilisation. However, concerns remain as business-enabling governance and private capital could fall short in their efforts to bring the large informal workforce to the formal sector, ensure job security, and improve job quality. Debt distress and the mirage of reform Debt featured prominently in this year's meetings. The IMF warned that global public debt is projected to reach nearly 100 percent of global GDP by 2030. For developing economies, debt servicing costs are becoming unsustainable, which often exceeds spending on education and health. In sub-Saharan Africa, debt service already outpaces social sector expenditures. More worryingly, climate risk is still not fully embedded in debt sustainability analyses. It is now clear that climate change is a macro-critical issue and should be integral to future debt frameworks. Yet, no decisive move was made by the Bretton Woods Institutions to adopt climate-contingent debt clauses or ensure meaningful creditor participation in future restructurings. Climate change: A side act, not centre stage Despite earlier commitments, climate issues were conspicuously sidelined during the 2025 Spring Meetings. Under pressure from its largest shareholder, the US, the World Bank seems to have shifted its focus back to \"core mandates.\" This has effectively marginalised climate adaptation financing. Although the World Bank committed to allocating 45 percent of its financing towards climate-related projects by FY2025 at the 28th Conference of Parties (COP28), the lion's share of these funds still targets mitigation rather than adaptation. For climate-vulnerable countries like Bangladesh, adaptation finance is essential, especially in the face of rising sea levels, erratic monsoons, and flooding. Moreover, the continued preference for loans over grants exacerbates debt vulnerabilities and undermines the countries' long-term resilience. Worse still, the World Bank's energy strategy, which includes nuclear power and natural gas, poses risks to low-income countries as it could lead to a high-carbon trajectory. The needs of energy-insecure communities of these countries should be fulfilled through community-based, decentralised renewable systems. Governance gaps and multilateral drift There was a call by the G24, representing emerging and developing economies, for urgent reforms to reflect changing global economic realities. These calls included lowering the cost of World Bank loans for middle-income countries, greater voice for borrowing countries in governance, and innovative use of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs). On the other hand, another major group, the G20 members, representing about 85 percent of global GDP and two-thirds of the world's population, did not issue a communiqué. This indicates the fragility of today's multilateral system, where countries could not arrive at a unified communiqué. Is Bangladesh falling through the cracks? For Bangladesh, the outcome of the 2025 Spring Meetings is not encouraging. While the rhetoric of job creation may align with its vision of harnessing its demographic dividend, the IMF and World Bank frameworks do little to address the structural hurdles the country faces, including declining export competitiveness due to tariffs, a mounting subsidy bill, and climate-induced displacement. The issue of informality in the labour market is also acute, with more than 80 percent being engaged in the informal sector for employment. Bangladesh, as a lower-middle-income country, would benefit significantly from multilateral reforms in the financial architecture. Its access to concessional finance is shrinking as it prepares for graduation from the LDC category in 2026, even though it still faces climate vulnerabilities and foreign exchange constraints. Hence, the inability to reach a consensus on reform is a setback for countries requiring international finance. Bangladesh is also a candidate for energy and infrastructure investments under the World Bank's private capital mobilisation model. However, without guarantees on fair pricing, social safeguards, and climate alignment, these investments may deepen rather than mitigate risk. The country also stands to lose from the continued emphasis on fiscal consolidation—a core plank of IMF conditionality—at a time when it needs fiscal space to invest in resilience, health, and education. Moreover, Bangladesh's debt-GDP ratio, while manageable compared to peers, is inching upwards. The combination of tighter global financing conditions and rising interest rates poses serious challenges. Yet, the World Bank and IMF meetings offered little in terms of concessional refinancing or structured debt relief mechanisms that Bangladesh and other vulnerable emerging markets and developing economies could benefit from. Hence, while the 2025 Spring Meetings emphasised stability and continuity, they also highlighted the growing disconnect between the Bretton Woods Institutions and the realities of their borrowers. The Spring Meetings indicate that the IMF and World Bank are at a crossroads. They can either continue to operate within the confines of outdated paradigms or embrace a new vision of multilateralism that prioritises climate justice, debt sustainability, and inclusive development. The coming months offer an opportunity to continue the momentum of such demands. With the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development ( FfD4 ) approaching, the world must demand that international financial institutions truly deliver on the promises of sustainability, resilience, and equity. Dr Fahmida Khatun is executive director at the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD). Views expressed in this article are the author's own. Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission .",
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